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all this mischief, what might not a whole squadron of privateers propelled by steam effect? We have no doubt this consideration has had a great influence in proscribing the course adopted by the British Government in relation to this war. Palmerston and Russell are afraid to risk the vast commerce of England which is always afloat, and which would be exposed to a swarm of Yankee privateers in the event of war. From this consideration they have made England eat her own words, entered upon record in the most solemn manner, and caused her to descend from the first rank among the nations to the level of Hanover or Hesee Cessol. The treaty of Paris solemnly stipulated that a blockade, to be respected, must be effective, and Palmerston himself afterwards explained what was meant by an effective blockade to mean a blockade which kept out all vessels except such as had permission to enter. If so many as three vessels entered without asking leave, the blockade was not effectual, and cou
Government had no right to express its opinions on the question of slavery. The government of this country had of ways shown a sympathy with the Northern States to put down the African slave trade. He could not go into government secretes that would not be expected; but he could say, that when the history of Lord Palmerston was written it would be found that no man had done more to suppress slavery, (cheers.) and that no man had followed it more in all its twisting and turning than Lard Palmerston. The country was not called on to express an opinions on that question, but she was called upon to observe a strict (applause.) He thought that the English Government were right in their opinion that the proposal of the French Government for was opportune, and that if the English Government had accepted that official an inopportune moment, then when the opportunity arrived, would have been lost. He regretted the tone that had been adopted in America against this country, and thought
, if she had, what would have become of her? Their united navies could have blockaded all her ports swept her public and private armed vessels from the face of the seat, whilst their armies could not only have kept Canada intact, but carried fire and sword into the heart of the North. As we said before, however, we are quite satisfied with the recognition we have just received from England in the great Confederate loan. It is not the money only, but the proof of friendship on the part of the substantial men of England which the loan affords; the conviction they manifestant the strength and success of our cause; the morel laid and comfort which it gives to our glorious flag. We head not the ravings of Exeter Hall, nor the detestable radicalism of Bright and Cobden; nor the clabe, rate attempts of Palmerston and Russell to straddle a ball in the most impartial manner. The English people are with us, and the substantial proofs of their friendship and condense will not be forgotten.
"There is another fact you are not to lose right of. Englishmen, as well as others, have pride of opinion. They are not willing to be found in the wrong. Now, there is scarcely an Englishman of either of the great parties, from Derby and Palmerston, Russell and Gladstone, down, who have not committed themselves to the success of the rebellion.--There is scarcely an Englishman of any political reputation who has not expressed, over and over again, the opinion, not to say wish, that the Natd Italian imbroglios, not to mention her Mexican expedition, to think seriously of any move in that direction, unless backed by the moral and material support of England, nor can this support and co-operation be hoped for so long as the Russell-Palmerston ministry shall remain in power. The liberalism of England is a very shadowy and unsubstantial foundation to build upon, as the Poles have more than once found out to their cost, and as the Italians would also have experienced, but for the bold
h Government.--He was born in 1812, in London. In 1836 he first appeared in public life as member of Parliament for Warwickshire, and in the following year, by the death of his mother, who retained the title during her life, succeeded to a peerage and entered the House of Lords. Under Sir Robert Peel he was in 1841, appointed Under-Secretary of Foreign Affairs, holding the post for five years. After a brief retirement from political life he was, in 1853, appointed Postmaster-General by Lord Aberdeen, (then Prime Minister,) retaining the position under Lord Pahnerston, and creating several reforms in the postal department. In 1855 Lord Dolhousic, Governor-General of India, died, and Canning was, through the influence of Palmerston, appointed to the vacant position--one of the most lucrative and magnificent in the gift of the British Government. In February, 1856, Lord Canning began his reign in India, and it was during his administration that the great Sepoy rebellion took place.
ponement of peace. In the House of Lords, Brougham deplored the continuance of the civil strife and its consequences to Europe. He thought it impossible for England to interfere, but expressed the opinion that the Americans would see the suicidal character of the struggle, and come to amicable arrangements before they entirely lost the respect and affection of Europe as a nation. In the House of Commons, Mr. Hopewood asked if Government intended to take steps as a mediator. Palmerston expressed deep sympathy with the suffering operatives, and eulogized their endurance. He wished it was in the power of Government to take steps for their relief; but interference in America now could only aggravate matters. Both England and France would be delighted to take mediatory steps. When a fitting opportunity arose, he should look upon it both as a duty and a pleasure. After another debate on fortifications, the Government bill was read the second time by 158 to 56. Th
ion in his hands, though I must say my opinions are entirely against the withdrawal of them from public consideration at this time. England and England's interests demand the decision of this House, and it is only under a feeling of great respect for the noble lord that I now withdraw this motion. [Hear, hear] Mr. Lindsay followed with an account of his interview with the French Emperor, and endeavored to vindicate himself from the charge of being an "amateur diplomatist." Viscount Palmerston followed, reviewed the personal question in regard to the volunteer mission of Messrs. Roebuck and Lindsay as ambassadors in behalf of the rebels, which he pronounced irregular, and that the British Government preferred to get its communications from foreign Powers through its accredited ministers and diplomatic trouts. The London Times, editorially, shows the inexpediency of Roebucks motion, contending that the present time is inopportune for interference. Firing into Britis
good do a little wrong; And curb this cruel devil of his will." Bounties will certainly fail to hold, after midsummer much more than one-half of Mr. Lincoln's present armies from civil life. Volunteering is a thing of the past; conscription a virtual failure! negro "kidnapping" an expedient already exhausted, and "drafting" in "rebellious" districts cutting both ways; the only means of supplying the deficiencies of next midsummer in the Federal armies lie in emigration. If Load Palmerston arrest that at once, Mr. Lincoln's small superiority of the present moment in the field will in I probability, end with next July; and with the then probable ascendancy or the South we may, on that supposition, entertain some expectations of peace before autumn. A desperate effort will however be made in the meantime to overwhelm the Confederates by rapid governments and crushing blows. The available strength of the South is more than able to meet the whole weight likely to be harried a
ting that prize adjudications were the same in England and America, (Yankeedom,) and that the disposition of the Government was very fair and just, when Lord Robert Cecil backed Mr. Fitzgerald, stating, in substance, that the practice of refusing papers when called for, enabled the ministry to govern without Parliament, and that the policy of the Government was obviously a truckling one, &c. After some further debate, in which much was said about the truckling policy of the Government, old Palmerston begged Mr. Fitzgerald, with tears in his eyes, to withdraw his motion for the production of papers, (which had already been published,) declaring that the Government of Lincoln was the justest, and the noblest, and the most enlightened Government in the world, and giving way to uncontrollable emotion at the bare idea of infesting upon the maintenance of British dignity and British right to the point of offending his dear friends Lincoln and Seward. And Mr. Fitzgerald accordingly withdrew
The Palmerston ministry. In reply to some questions put to him by the Earl of Derby, in the House of Lords, on the 15th of February, Lord Russell is reported to have said that, in the affair of the rams he acted from a sense of duty, and from no extraneous influence, believing that the rams were intended to be used for the purpose of carrying on war with the United States. From this, it is evident that he considers it his duty to assist the United States in every way short of a declaration of war, and to thwart the Confederates in every way short of actual hostilities. If he believes that the rams are designed to be used against the United States, he knows that the cannon, small arms, and munitions of war, which the Yankees obtain in vast quantities from England, are designed to be used in making war upon the Confederate States. His idea of a strict neutrality, then, is to throw open at the resources of the British empire to the Yankees, and to keep them closed against the Con
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