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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 4, Chapter 1: no union with non-slaveholders!—1861. (search)
an address to the people of the Lib. 30.205. State signed by the weightiest members of the legal profession, as Judge Lemuel Shaw, ex-Judge Benjamin R. Curtis, Joel Parker, Sidney Bartlett, Theophilus Parsons, and by equally shining lights in the world of scholarship and letters, as George Ticknor, Jared Sparks, and the Rev. Jamesectives were unendurable when directed against themselves. Scenes similar to those witnessed on December 16 attended his Ante, 3.505. Music-Hall discourse in Mr. Parker's pulpit, on The Lesson of Lib. 31.14. the Hour, on January 20; and for weeks it was deemed necessary to guard his home with volunteer defenders from among thnesday evening, remains to be seen. But all will Jan. 23. work well in the end. Phillips is to speak at the Music Hall to-morrow forenoon, Jan. 20. before Mr. Parker's congregation, and another violent demonstration is anticipated. Mayor Wightman refuses to order the police to be present to preserve order. This makes the p
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
al among the Unitarians. Moses Stuart, the Andover theologian, defended slavery from the Bible in learned exegesis. Culture was often dissociated from humanity. The professors at Cambridge were indeed divided; Dr. Convers Francis and Longfellow were anti-Compromise. Longfellow's Life, vol. II. p. 192. but the activity there was on Webster's side. Felton was his partisan. Bowen, in the North American Review, espoused his cause, and supported the Compromise. Theophilus Parsons and Joel Parker, the professors at the Law School, read lectures in defence of the Fugitive Slave law. The writer was a student of the school at the time, and sat restlessly during these lectures. Choate disregarded the proprieties of its anniversary meeting by an oration which was a plea for the Compromise and the surrender of fugitive slaves. The undergraduates, catching the spirit of the place, disturbed anti-Compromise meetings in Cambridge during addresses from Horace Mann and Ralph Waldo Emerso
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
argument filed in the United States Supreme Court in the Van Zandt case, in which Seward was associated with him as counsel; and he made the same point in his speech in the Senate against the Compromise of 1850. Robert Rantoul, Jr., insisted on the want of power in Congress to legislate on the subject, in a speech at Lynn, April 3, 1851, and in Congress, June 11, 1852. As an original question this doctrine had the sanction of Webster in his Seventh of March speech, of the learned jurist Joel Parker, Professor at the Law School in Cambridge, and even of Butler of South Carolina. and the inconsistency of the Fugitive Slave Act with the Constitution, particularly in its denial of the right of trial by jury, and relieved the consciences of those who had been constrained to yield it support under a sense of constitutional obligation. Horace Mann, in his speech in Congress, Feb. 28, 1851, treated at length this unconstitutional feature of the Act. Other points set up against the validi
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
ng lawyers, Rufus Choate, Sidney Bartlett, F. B. Crowninshield, George S. Hillard, Thomas Hopkinson, Samuel D. Parker, George Morey, and Judge Peleg Sprague; among physicians, Jacob Bigelow and George Hayward; among clergymen, Samuel K. Lothrop and George W. Blagden; among editors, Nathan Hale, William Schouler, and J. S. Sleeper; and among merchants, William Appleton, Samuel A. Eliot, John C. Gray, J. Thomas Stevenson, and George B. Upton. Cambridge sent two jurists, Simon Greenleaf and Joel Parker, a former and a present professor in the Law School. Salem sent Otis P. Lord, later a judge; and Pittsfield, George N. Briggs. Against this array of Whigs was an equally formidable list of Democrats and Free Soilers. Among the former were Banks, Boutwell, Hallett, B. F. Butler (since known as General Butler), W. Griswold, and J. G. Abbott; and among the latter were Wilson, Dana, Sumner, Burlingame, Charles Allen, Marcus Morton (two of the name, father and son), Amasa Walker, E. L. Key
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
not merely at Massachusetts, a blow not merely at the name and fame of our common country; it is a blow at constitutional liberty all the world over,—it is a stab at the cause of universal freedom. At Cambridge, the addresses were made by Joel Parker, Theophilus Parsons, and Willard Phillips, three well known jurists; Sparks, the historian; Felton, Felton, who had been separated from Sumner since 1850, at a dinner on the day after hearing of the assault, proposed as a toast, The re-elecnspiration they had—drawn from his character and career; from women who placed him in their affection and admiration by the side of husband or son; from clergymen like Wayland, Storrs (father and son), Beecher, Huntington, Dexter, Farley, Clarke, Parker, Francis, Lowell, Kirk, and others less known to fame, but not less devoted ministers at the altars of patriotism and religion. Of the letters received between May 22 and June 30, not less than three hundred and fifty are preserved. It would
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
nd Z. Chandler. Seward and Fessenden did not vote. In presenting, February 18, petitions opposed to compromise, Sumner added comments of his own in approval. He expressed his dissent, February 25, from one which prayed for national interference with slavery in the States. During the winter there was a determined effort in Massachusetts to repeal the personal liberty law of the State. An appeal to that effect, signed by Chief-Justice Shaw, recently retired from office, B. R. Curtis, Joel Parker, George Ticknor, and a large number of persons of high standing, was published in the papers and presented to the Legislature. It was supported by leading Boston journals. George Ashmun, who had presided at the national Republican convention, in an open letter to Mr. Winthrop urged the repeal. Governor Banks, yielding to the pressure, in a farewell message recommended the repeal; while his successor, Governor Andrew, took the opposite position, though willing to assent to the revision
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
Wilkes's act, public opinion, as expressed by the press and even by publicists, very generally applauded it. Among those who in Massachusetts gave it sanction were Edward Everett, Theophilus Parsons, Caleb Cushing, C. G. Loring, George Sumner, Joel Parker, B. F. Thomas, G. T. Bigelow, R. H. Dana, Jr., Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. II. p. 259. and the editors of that conservative journal, the Boston Advertiser. It was, indeed, a perilous moment, perhaps the most perilous, in our Civil ened him to Jefferson Davis. He encountered similar criticism outside of the Senate, as well from some supporters of the Administration as from its opponents. The New York Evening Post, March 13, 1862, wrote an elaborate leader against it. Joel Parker, professor at Cambridge, treated the offer of the resolutions as an act of treason, and more mischievous than open adhesion to slavery. (North American Review, April, 1862, p. 463.) Sumner's undelivered speech on his resolutions became an arti
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 46: qualities and habits as a senator.—1862. (search)
w of the senator, and he came to be his cordial and confidential friend, so remaining to the end. He dispensed a liberal hospitality; and in his house at Washington, as well as at Boston and on the seashore, Sumner was always welcome to lodge or dine. The intimacy which he had enjoyed with the family of Mr. Adams, already Minister to England, was now transferred to Mr. Hooper's, at whose house he dined at least once or twice a week from 1861 to 1874. Later in these pages it will become necessary to refer to a near connection between the two friends. Two or three incidents in family and friendship may be noted here,—the death in March, 1862, of another of the Five of Clubs (Felton, of whose funeral Mr. Thies sent an account); the disability of George Sumner, stricken with paralysis, and after medical treatment in Northampton coming back to the old home in Hancock Street; a cordial letter from Agassiz in the autumn urging attendance at the dinners of the Saturday Club at Parker's
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 47: third election to the Senate. (search)
opposed an emancipation policy. Ultra-conservatism made its last struggle; and conspicuous among its leaders was Professor Joel Parker of Cambridge, whose judicial temper was upset by Sumner's State-suicide doctrine, and who combined with his abilithose who found more power in the Constitution to deal with slavery than he could find. A coadjutor and townsman of Judge Parker, John C. Dodge, who was an eminent lawyer, confessed, after reading the first two volumes of this Memoir, in a letter ), in his Pen Portraits, pp. 521, 522, says: I should like to have him [the reader] look back and read the speeches of Joel Parker and Leverett Saltonstall, who tried by that movement to make the war a war for the flag only, and not for freedom and New York and New Jersey,—States which had chosen Republican electors, and now elected governors Horatio Seymour and Joel Parker. hostile to it; and it encountered defeat in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. Several causes contributed to
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
dge Hoar, Felton, Dr. Holmes, R. H. Dana, J. M. Forbes, and others. This club is commemorated in Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. II. pp. 162-170, 360. He had been its guest before at times, but he now when in Boston dined regularly with it at Parker's on its club day, the last Saturday of the month. On other Saturdays he dined at times at Parker's, with a political club of which his friend F. W. Bird was the leader; but his frequent dining with this club belongs to a period three or four yeParker's, with a political club of which his friend F. W. Bird was the leader; but his frequent dining with this club belongs to a period three or four years later. George Sumner, who had been smitten with paralysis two years before, died, October 6, at the Massachusetts General Hospital. Charles was with him daily after his return from Washington, except at the time of his address in New York, being then called home by the tidings of George's rapid decline. Longfellow and Dr. Howe were frequent visitors to their friend's room at the hospital, and George W. Greene came occasionally from his Rhode Island home. To Mrs. Waterston, Charles wrot
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