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Polybius, Histories, book 7, Hieronymus of Syracuse (search)
is uncles, Zoippus and Andranodorus, members of the Council of 15 established by Hiero, Hieronymus opens communications with Hannibal. Thraso having departed, Zoippus and Andranodorus persuaded Hieronymus to lose no time in sending ambassadors to Hannibal. He accordingly selected Polycleitus of Cyrene and Philodemus of Argos for the purpose, and sent them into Italy, with a commission to discuss the subject of an alliance with the Carthaginians; and at the same time he sent his brothers to Alexandria. Hannibal received Polycleitus and Philodemus with warmth; held out great prospects to the young king; and sent the ambassadors back without delay, accompanied by the commander of his triremes, a Carthaginian also named Hannibal, and the Syracusan Hippocrates and his younger brother Epicydes. These men had been for some time serving in Hannibal's army, being domiciled at Carthage, owing to their grandfather having been banished from Syracuse because he was believed to have assassinated Ag
Polybius, Histories, book 8, Bolis Turns Traitor (search)
Bolis Turns Traitor Bolis went to Rhodes, and thence to Ephesus; communicated his purpose to Nicomachus and Melancomas; and found them ready to do what they were asked. He then despatched one of his staff, named Arianus, to Cambylus, with a message to the effect that he had been sent from Alexandria on a recruiting tour, and that he wished for an interview with Cambylus on some matters of importance; he thought it therefore necessary to have a time and place arranged for them to meet without the privity of a third person. Arianus quickly obtained an interview with Cambylus and delivered his message; nor was the latter at all unwilling to listen to the proposal. Having appointed a day, and a place known to both himself and Bolis, at which he would be after nightfall, he dismissed Arianus. Now Bolis had all the subtlety of a Cretan, and he accordingly weighed carefully in his own mind every possible line of action, and patiently examined every idea which presented itself to him. Bolis
Polybius, Histories, book 9, Embassy from Rome to Ptolemy (search)
Embassy from Rome to Ptolemy The Romans sent ambassadors to Ptolemy, wishing M. Atilius and Manius Glabrio sent to Alexandria with presents to Ptolemy Philopator and Queen Cleopatra. Livy, 27, 4, B. C. 210. to be supplied with corn, as they were suffering from a great scarcity of it at home; and, moreover, when all Italy had been laid waste by the enemy's troops up to the gates of Rome, and when all supplies from abroad were stopped by the fact that war was raging, and armies encamped, in all parts of the world except in Egypt. In fact the scarcity at Rome had come to such a pitch, that a Sicilian medimnus was sold for fifteen drachmae.That is, 10s. 3 3/4d. for about a bushel and a half. See on 2, 15. But in spite of this distress the Romans did not relax in their attention to the war.
C. Julius Caesar, Gallic War, Book 8, chapter 0 (search)
nued solicitations, Balbus, I have engaged in a most difficult task, as my daily refusals appear to plead not my inability, but indolence, as an excuse. I have compiled a continuation of the Commentaries of our Caesar's Wars in Gaul, not indeed to be compared to his writings, which either precede or follow them; and recently, I have completed what he left imperfect after the transactions in Alexandria , to the end, not indeed of the civil broils, to which we see no issue, but of Caesar's life. I wish that those who may read them could know how unwillingly I undertook to write them, as then I might the more readily escape the imputation of folly and arrogance, in presuming to intrude among Caesar's writings. For it is agreed on all hands, that no composition was ever executed with so g
E. T. Merrill, Commentary on Catullus (ed. E. T. Merrill), Poem 10 (search)
cknowledge himself a pretender. commoda: with the short final a, cf. Pl. Cist. 573 commoda loquelam tuam (at the beginning of a trochaic septenarius); so also more commonly in colloquial usage such pyrrhic imperatives as ama, puta, roga, etc. Sarapim: an Egyptian deity, apparently at first identical with Osiris, and often later connected in worship with Isis. From Alexandria, where the great Sarapeum stood, the cult spread through Greece and Italy, reaching Rome perhaps as early as the time of Sulla, though it met there with great opposition, and did not attain its height till the end of the first century after Christ. In 58 B.C., only about two years before this poem was written, the worship of the Egyptian divinities had been banished without the city walls. Upon the Campus Martius, how
E. T. Merrill, Commentary on Catullus (ed. E. T. Merrill), Poem 66 (search)
ei= sunelqou=sa gevva=| pai=das *)hmaqi/wna kai\ *me/mnona , who was apparently identified mythically with the ostrich (cf. v. 54) as was Memnon himself with a certain species of black hawk (cf. Ov. Met. 13.600ff.). Arsinoes: Arsinoe was the sister-wife of Ptolemy Philadelphus, and was worshiped under the attributes of Aphrodite in a temple erected to her honor on the promontory of Zephyrion, between Alexandria and Canopus, whence she was called Zephyritis. No satisfactcry emendation of elocridicos has yet been proposed. ales equus: according to Pausanias Arsinoe was represented riding upon an ostrich; Paus. 9.31.1 th\n de\ *)arsino/hn strouqo\s fe/rei kalxh= tw=n a)pth/nwn . aetherias umbras: it was in the night that the lock disappeared. With aetherias in the sense of
M. Tullius Cicero, Against Verres (ed. C. D. Yonge), section 145 (search)
undering. For like those men whose histories we have learnt from the poets, who are said to have occupied some bays on the sea-coast, or some promontories, or some precipitous rocks, in order to be able to murder those who had been driven to such places in their vessels, this man also looked down as an enemy over every sea, from every part of Sicily. Every ship that came from Asia, from Syria, from Tyre, from Alexandria, was immediately seized by informers and guards that he could rely upon; their crews were all thrown into the stone-quarries; their freights and merchandise carried up into the praetor's house. After a long interval there was seen to range through Sicily, not another Dionysius, not another Phalaris, (for their island has at one time or another produced many inhuman tyrants,) but a new sort of monster, endowed w
M. Tullius Cicero, On the Agrarian Law (ed. C. D. Yonge), chapter 1 (search)
then openly sought, is now endeavoured to be effected secretly by mines. For the decemvirs will say, what indeed is said by many, and has often been said,—that after the consulship of those men, all that kingdom became the property of the Roman people, by the bequest of the king Alexander. Will you then give Alexandria Alexander, king of Egypt, had died at Tyre in the consulship of Cotta and Torquatus, two years before, and had bequeathed Alexandria and Egypt to the Roman people, and in consequence many people advocated the course of claiming that inheritance, and depriving Ptolemy the king of Egypt. The subject will be mentioned again in the next oration. to those men when they ask for it in an underhand way, whom you resisted when they openly fought against you? Which, in the name of the immortal gods, do these things seem to you,—the designs of sober men, or the dreams of drunken ones? t
M. Tullius Cicero, On the Agrarian Law (ed. C. D. Yonge), chapter 16 (search)
eauty, most eminently remarkable; and its lands are pleasant and productive. That city, forsooth, comes under the same head. What will become of Alexandria, and of all Egypt? How much it is out of sight! how completely is it hidden! how stealthily is it abandoned entirely to the decemvirs! For who is there a Will he desire to be popular? He will adjudge the kingdom to the Roman people. In consequence, he will also, in accordance with his own law, sell Alexandria, and sell Egypt. He will be found to be the judge, the arbiter, the master, of a most wealthy city, and of a most beautiful country; yes, he will be foun the master, of a most wealthy city, and of a most beautiful country; yes, he will be found to be the king of a most opulent kingdom. Will he abstain from taking all this? from desiring all this? He will decide that Alexandria belongs to the king; he will by his sentence deprive the Roman people of it.
M. Tullius Cicero, On the Agrarian Law (ed. C. D. Yonge), chapter 17 (search)
ce, who is to plead the cause of the Roman people? Where is the cause to be tried? Who are those decemvirs whom we think likely to adjudge the kingdom of Alexandria to Ptolemy for nothing? But, if Alexandria was the object, why did not they at this time proceed by the same course which they adopted in the consulship Alexandria was the object, why did not they at this time proceed by the same course which they adopted in the consulship of Lucius Cotta and Lucius Torquatus? Why did they not proceed openly, as they did before? Why did they not act as they did when they before sought that country, in a straightforward and open manner? Did they, who, when they had a fair wind, could not hold their course straight on to the kingdom they coveted, think that they could reach Alexandria amid foul mists and darkness? This sentence and the succeeding one are considered very corrupt, and there is a great variety of readings proposed; for qui Etesiis some read quietis iis; for directo, decreto. Unaque is quite unintelligible. Just revolve
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