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s. But oppression maketh a wise man mad, and they spoke and did many things in the frenzy of outraged humanity that repelled sympathy and threw multitudes off to a hopeless distance. It is mournful to think of all the absurdities that have been said and done in the name and for the sake of this holy cause, that have so long and so fatally retarded it. I confess that I expected for myself nothing but abuse from extreme abolitionists, especially as I dared to name a forbidden shibboleth, Liberia, and the fact that the wildest and extremest abolitionists united with the coldest conservatives, at first, to welcome and advance the book is a thing that I have never ceased to wonder at. I have written this long letter because I am extremely desirous that some leading minds in England should know how we stand. The subject is now on trial at the bar of a civilized world — a Christian world! and I feel sure that God has not ordered this without a design. Yours for the cause, Harri
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eighth: the war of the Rebellion. (search)
one hundred thousand dollars for the colonization of slaves who desired to emigrate to Hayti or Liberia. For, as Mr. Lincoln said of himself, I am so far behind the Sumner lighthouse, that I still se of them will be an Act passed the 3d of June, 1862, recognizing the Independence of Hayti and Liberia. Although it seemed to concern but a handful of people, on the distant African coast, founded t Annual Message, had proposed the recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Hayti and Liberia. Of course, it encountered the bitter opposition of every Pro-Slavery Senator, and every haterancipation in the District of Columbia, and the acknowledgment of the Independence of Hayti and Liberia, even your zeal would be satisfied; for you would feel the sincerity of his purpose to do what abolished in the national capital; slavery interdicted in all the national territory; Hayti and Liberia recognized as independent republics in the family of nations; the slave-trade placed under the
and practically applied in the act. The bill had been introduced into the Senate by Mr. Wilson, to provide for a commission to appraise the claims on account of the slaves liberated, limiting their allowance, in the aggregate, to an amount equal to three hundred dollars a slave, and appropriating one million dollars to pay loyal owners; to which Mr. Doo-little added the amendment, appropriating one hundred thousand dollars for the colonization of slaves who desired to emigrate to Hayti or Liberia. For, as Mr. Lincoln said of himself, I am so far behind the Sumner lighthouse, that I still stick to my old colonization hobby. But Mr. Sumner, who preferred half a loaf to no bread, was willing to vote money for emancipation, as a ransom. While he disclaimed the title of the master to any remuneration whatever, he regarded it as a good beginning, of which he prophetically saw a better end. It was a blow levelled at Slavery outside of the District, as well as in it, and unmistakably proc
trace with interest the Measures enacted by our government, which successfully marked the progress we were then making towards Universal Liberty. One of them will be an Act passed the 3d of June, 1862, recognizing the Independence of Hayti and Liberia. Although it seemed to concern but a handful of people, on the distant African coast, founded by American-born citizens, and fostered by the benevolence of the generous and the good in our own country, and which had, above all other communitiesifficulty with any of the other nations of the globe. Feeling that this disgrace had rested long enough on our government, Mr. Lincoln, in his first Annual Message, had proposed the recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Hayti and Liberia. Of course, it encountered the bitter opposition of every Pro-Slavery Senator, and every hater of the colored race. A resolution had been introduced into the Senate as long ago as July 1st, 1836; and again in January and March of the following
absurd wickedness, in closing the schools; nor, again, in his other act of turning our camps into hunting-ground for slaves. He repudiates both, positively. In the same letter he also said: Could you, as has been my privilege often, have seen the President, while considering the great questions on which he has already acted, beginning with the invitation to Emancipation in the States, then Emancipation in the District of Columbia, and the acknowledgment of the Independence of Hayti and Liberia, even your zeal would be satisfied; for you would feel the sincerity of his purpose to do what he can to carry forward the principles of the Declaration of Independence. His whole soul is occupied, especially, by the first proposition, so peculiarly his own. In familiar intercourse with him, I remember nothing more touching than the earnestness and completeness with which he embraced the idea. To his mind it was just and beneficent, while it promised the sure end of Slavery. To me, who h
t unlike its author in the accusations to which I have been exposed. fellow-citizens, a year has passed since I addressed you; but, during this time, what events of warning and encouragement! Amidst vicissitudes of war, the cause of Human Freedom has steadily and grandly advanced,—not, perhaps, as you could desire, yet it is the only cause which has not failed. Slavery and the Black Laws are abolished in the national capital; slavery interdicted in all the national territory; Hayti and Liberia recognized as independent republics in the family of nations; the slave-trade placed under the ban of a new treaty with Great Britain; all persons in the military and naval service prohibited from returning slaves, or sitting in judgment on the claim of a master; the slaves of Rebels emancipated by coming within our lines; a tender of compensation for the abolition of Slavery: such are some of Freedom's triumphs in the recent Congress. Amidst all doubts and uncertainties of the present hou
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section tenth: downfall of the Rebellion. (search)
tion of the flag of the United States. To extirpate from the seas that inhuman traffic, and to vindicate the sullied honor of the nation, the Administration early entered into treaty stipulations with the British Government for the mutual right of search within certain limits; and the 37th Congress hastened to enact the appropriate legislation to carry the treaty into effect. The slave-holding class, in the pride of power, persistently refused to recognize the independence of Hayti and Liberia; thus dealing unjustly towards those nations, to the detriment of the commercial interests of the country: the 37th Congress recognized the independence of those republics by authorizing the President to establish diplomatic relations with them. By the provisions of law, White male citizens alone were enrolled in the militia. In the Amendment to the acts for calling out the militia, the 37th Congress provided for the enrolment and drafting of citizens, without regard to color; and, by t
tion of the flag of the United States. To extirpate from the seas that inhuman traffic, and to vindicate the sullied honor of the nation, the Administration early entered into treaty stipulations with the British Government for the mutual right of search within certain limits; and the 37th Congress hastened to enact the appropriate legislation to carry the treaty into effect. The slave-holding class, in the pride of power, persistently refused to recognize the independence of Hayti and Liberia; thus dealing unjustly towards those nations, to the detriment of the commercial interests of the country: the 37th Congress recognized the independence of those republics by authorizing the President to establish diplomatic relations with them. By the provisions of law, White male citizens alone were enrolled in the militia. In the Amendment to the acts for calling out the militia, the 37th Congress provided for the enrolment and drafting of citizens, without regard to color; and, by t
o U. S., 416; his Quaker views and G.'s, 2.158; opposes rebuilding Penn. Hall, 218; brother-inlaw of Rev. Dickey, 249. Crewdson, W. D., 2.368. Crittenden, John Jordan [1787-1863], 2.74. Crocker, —, Rev., 2.107. Crocker, William Goss [d. Liberia, 1844], missionary, friendship for G., 1.55, 56. Cropper, Capt., 2.361. Cropper, James [d. Feb. 26, 1840, in 67th year], English agent for Genius, 1.146; home described, 349; tribute to Capt. Stuart, 262; opposes Colon. Soc., 300, 369; cheelitionists, 259, 268, 272, defended by W. Phillips, 263, 330, by A. S. societies, 268; special meetings for support, 277-279, 330, 331; prosperity, 331, 432; Chardon St. Convention costs it subscribers, 424, 427; charged with infidelity, 432. Liberia, colonization of, 1.95; evangelization, 291, 292. Liberty Bell, founded by Mrs. Chapman, 2.49, 432, contributions from G., 208, 432. Liberty Party and its successors, 2.434, 435, 437, 438. See Anti-slavery political party. Lieber, Fran
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1, Chapter 3: Apprenticeship.—1818-1825. (search)
d his ever bright and happy presence in the household. His most intimate friend at this time was a young man named William Goss Crocker, who was, like himself, warmly attached to the Baptist church, and who subsequently became a missionary to Liberia, where he died in 1844. He was only a few months older than Lloyd, and they spent many evenings together in a room over the bookstore and printing-office of W. & J. Gilman, engaged in reading and study and literary composition. Crocker had beose. The intimacy between him and Crocker waned after they separated and left Newburyport, the one to seek a journalistic career, and the other to enter a theological school; An acrostic addressed to William Goss Crocker, on his departure for Liberia, and signed G., on page 160 of the fifth volume of the Liberator (1835), gives evidence of their continued friendship, however. but that with Knapp, as will abundantly appear, was more enduring and of the highest importance. Though Lloyd was
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