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Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: Volume 2. 8 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 8 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: December 5, 1860., [Electronic resource] 8 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2 8 0 Browse Search
Laura E. Richards, Maud Howe, Florence Howe Hall, Julia Ward Howe, 1819-1910, in two volumes, with portraits and other illustrations: volume 1 8 0 Browse Search
Jula Ward Howe, Reminiscences: 1819-1899 6 0 Browse Search
The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 4. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier) 6 0 Browse Search
James Barnes, author of David G. Farragut, Naval Actions of 1812, Yank ee Ships and Yankee Sailors, Commodore Bainbridge , The Blockaders, and other naval and historical works, The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 6: The Navy. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller) 6 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, A book of American explorers 6 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 7. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 6 0 Browse Search
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James Redpath, The Roving Editor: or, Talks with Slaves in the Southern States., In my sanctum. (search)
regions, and are animated by the same true spirit; and the attempt, if ever made, to subdue this people, in order to extend the area of bondage, will justly precipitate a war with the powers of Europe. The South does not dare to hazard a war with such great powers on such an issue. The islands of the American Archipelago are to-day almost exclusively in the hands of the liberated African race. The first serious attempt at annexation will put them entirely in the possession of the blacks. Cuba has already, within her borders, seven thousand self-emancipated citizens; and it is a fact, well known in our State Department, that the Spanish rulers of that island would unhesitatingly arm the black population, both slave and free, in the event of any serious attempt at conquest. But I would not fear the extension of American slavery, even if the neighboring nations were more friendly to it. The South will soon find enough to do at home. Canada has hitherto been the safety valve of Sou
G. S. Hillard, Life and Campaigns of George B. McClellan, Major-General , U. S. Army, Chapter 2: (search)
s of Central America and to the adjacent Gulf of Mexico. Mr. Lepelletier de Saint-Remy says, Samana is one of those maritime positions not often met with in a survey of the map of the world. Samana is to the Gulf of Mexico what Mayotta is to the Indian Ocean. It is not only the military, but also the commercial, key of the Gulf; but the latter is of infinitely greater importance, under the pacific tendencies of European politics. The Bay of Samana being placed to the windward of Jamaica, Cuba, and the Gulf of Mexico, and lying, moreover, almost due northeast of the great isthmus which now so powerfully attracts the attention of the world, the French author just quoted may well call it la tete-du-pont to the highway from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Captain McClellan had never seen or heard of this memoir at the date of his visit to the West Indies; and it is creditable to his sagacity to have selected, as the result of his own unaided observation, a site which so competent an
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xii. Texas and her Annexation. (search)
ssessions. But, as great as that has been, it is nothing compared with what would be the effect, if she should succeed in abolishing Slavery in the United States, Cuba, Brazil, and throughout this continent. The experiment in her own colonies was made under the most favorable circumstances. It was brought about gradually and peult of Abolition should it be effected by her influence and exertions in the possessions of other countries on this continent — and specially in the United States, Cuba, and Brazil, the great cultivators of the principal tropical products of America. To form a correct conception of what would be the result with them, we must look labor, standing ready, by the aid of British capital, to supply the deficit which would be occasioned by destroying the tropical productions of the United States, Cuba, Brazil, and other countries cultivated by Slave labor on this continent, as soon as the increased prices, in consequence, would yield a profit. It is the success
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 19 (search)
ngress secret intrigues for the acquisition of Cuba Edward Evereft on the proposition of France anbate, Mr. John Randolph, of Virginia, said: Cuba possesses an immense negro population. In casehas been able to obtain points to the island of Cuba as the object of this expedition. It is the dupressed by France and England with reference to Cuba, and gave assurances that, The President will tny desire or intention on our part of acquiring Cuba, this document affords the strongest evidence o in the natural order of things. The island of Cuba lies at our doors. It commands the approach tosed the civilized world that the acquisition of Cuba is essential to our independence, and that we sand would prefer any change in the condition of Cuba to that which is most to be apprehended, viz.: the emphatic disclaimer of any designs against Cuba on the part of this Government, contained in thd a false sense of honor, should refuse to sell Cuba to the United States, then the question will ar[41 more...]
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 22 (search)
ople of Delaware, to express our unqualified disapproval of the remedy for the existing difficulties suggested by the resolutions of the Legislature of Mississippi. Before the opening of 1861, a perfect reign of terror had been established throughout the Gulf States. A secret order, known as Knights of the Golden circle, or as Knights of the Columbian Star, succeeding that known, six or seven years earlier, as the Order of the Lone Star, having for its ostensible object the acquisition of Cuba, Mexico, and Central America, and the establishment of Slavery in the two latter, but really operating in the interest of Disunion, had spread its network of lodges, grips, passwords, and alluring mystery, all over the South, and had ramifications even in some of the cities of the adjoining Free States. Other clubs, more or less secret, were known as The Precipitators, Vigilance Committee, Minute men, and by kindred designations; but all of them were sworn to fidelity to Southern rights; whi
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxiii. peace efforts at the North. (search)
said the slaveholders. With pleasure. Now Florida! Certainly. Next: Violate your treaties with the Creeks and Cherokees; expel those tribes from the lands they have held from time immemorial, so as to let us expand our plantations. So said, so done. Now for Texas! You have it. Next, a third more of Mexico! Yours it is. Now, break the Missouri Compact, and let Slavery wrestle with Free Labor for the vast region consecrated by that Compact to Freedom! Very good. What next? Buy us Cuba, for One Hundred to One Hundred and Fifty Millions. We have tried; but Spain refuses to sell it. Then wrest it from her at all hazards! And all this time, while Slavery was using the Union as her catspaw — dragging the Republic into iniquitous wars and enormous expenditures, and grasping empire after empire thereby--Northern men (or, more accurately, men at the North) were constantly asking why people living in the Free States could not let Slavery alone, mind their own business, and expen
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxiv. conciliation in Congress. (search)
How a sane man could talk in this way, in full view of the Texas, Nebraska, and Kansas struggles of the last few years, and of the persistent efforts to acquire Cuba, and regenerate Central America in the interest of the Slave Power, is one of the problems reserved for solution in some future and higher existence. To expose itof the Nebraska Bill, proves clearly his tacit concurrence in the Northern repugnance to that measure. So also with regard to the projected purchase or seizure of Cuba. Yet this struggle of the North, its importance and its justice, are utterly ignored in this plan of adjustment and conciliation; while the South is proffered gutories of the Union south of 36° 30′. The direct incitement herein proffered, the strong temptation held out, to fillibustering raids upon Mexico, Central America, Cuba, Hayti, etc., could never be ignored. The Slave Power would have claimed this as a vital element of the new compromise — that she had surrendered her just claim t
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxv. Peace Democracy—peace Conference. (search)
— the broad and solid base of our industrial economy and commercial prosperity — the slaves confined, indeed, to one section of the Union, because there most profitably employed, but laboring for the benefit of Northern See Judge Woodward's speech, page 364. manufacturers and merchants as much as for that of Southern planters and factors — that we must all watch and work to give that interest wider scope by the conquest of more territory, and by the maintenance at all hazards of Slavery in Cuba, etc.--and that all anti-Slavery discussion or expostulation must be systematically suppressed, as sedition, if not treason — such was the gist of the Southern requirement. A long-haired, raving Abolitionist in the furthest North, according to conservative ideas, not merely disturbed the equilibrium of Southern society, but undermined the fabric of our National prosperity. He must be squelched, See Mayor Henry's speech; also his letter forbidding G. W. Curtis's lecture, pages 363-7. or
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 36 (search)
rthward course, so as to allay suspicion on board the blockader, but intending to stretch boldly across the Gulf Stream to Great Abaco, and lie in wait near the Hole-in-the-Wall for unarmed Yankee merchantmen trafficking between Northern ports and Cuba. She was lucky at the outset, almost beyond her hopes; falling in, when scarcely a day at sea, with the brig Joseph, of Rockland, Me., laden with sugar from Cardenas, Cuba, for Philadelphia. Setting an American flag in her main rigging, to indletter. Soon, the negroes who remained on the islands under our control were set to work at preparing the cotton for market; and, though assured by the master caste that, if they fell into the hands of the Yankees, they would certainly be sent to Cuba and sold, they could not be made to believe that any worse fortune than they had hitherto experienced was in store for them; and their number was steadily augmented by emigrants from the mainland; especially after schools began to be established a
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Analytical Index. (search)
Cruse, David, a Missouri slaveholder, slain, 286. Cuba, 268 to 272; its acquisition demanded by the Democra Everett, Alexander H., his instructions respecting Cuba, 268. Everett, Edward, early pro-Slavery opinionsof Massachusetts, 124; his diplomacy with respect to Cuba, 270 to 273; nominated for Vice-President, 319; lett absent from, 400. fillibustering, with regard to Cuba, 269-270; participators in, never brought to justicefrom the treaty with, 265-266; proposes to guarantee Cuba to Spain, 270; 499. Frankfort, Ky., Secessionistso 177; the Holy Alliance, 267; proposes to guarantee Cuba to Spain, 270; 499; action with respect to Rebel priallusion to, 618. Johnston, Josiah S., of La., on Cuba, 268. Jones, Col, (Rebel,) wounded at Bull Run, 55; 186; his special message, 187; makes an offer for Cuba, 269. Pollard, Edward A., his summing up of the iic in slaves, 27-8; 54; the Holy Alliance, 266. See Cuba, Ostend, etc. Sprague, Gov. Wm., of R. I., 326; 4
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