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regiment, in selecting and contracting for the monument and in locating the position it should occupy, that the day of dedication was fixed for October 10, 1889. The location is on the north west slope of Little Round Top. The monument stands on the spot where the flag of the regiment was placed. Two granite markers fix the position of the flanks of the line, and from the location a view of nearly all the battle ground is obtained. The monument is composed of four pieces of the best Quincy granite, surmounted by the figure of a soldier seven feet in height, made of American standard bronze. The base is six feet square and the entire height is fourteen feet and three inches. On the front is the legend, The 121st New York Infantry (Colonel Emory Upton), 2d Brigade, 1st Division, 6th Corps, held this position from the evening of June 2d, until the close of the battle. There are also on the front the 6th Corps cross, and the coat of arms of the State of New York. The rever
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Chapter 3: the Clerical appeal.—1837. (search)
position of his household, permitted. See his Diary for April 19, July 29, Aug. 23, Sept. 1, 1837. Mr. Garrison writes to G. W. Benson, on June 14: Whittier has just gone to New York, to relieve Stanton from the drudgery of epistolary correspondence, and enable him to come to Massachusetts for a few weeks, in order to complete the victory commenced last year—revolutionize John Quincy Adams's district—drive the Texas question, etc. Stanton is the Napoleon of our cause. Mr. Adams is now at Quincy. He has lately had quite a visitation from several abolition fanatics, and received them all with respect and cordiality. First, James G. Birney and Francis Jackson had a long interview with him—then John G. Whittier and W. L. Garrison—then Angelina E. and Sarah M. Grimke—and then Wm. Goodell. I will tell you something about these visits hereafter. For Mr. Adams's own drafts on the abolitionists for support, see p. 77 of the pamphlet edition of H. B. Stanton's Remarks in the Represen
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 20 (search)
, to see millions of its subjects i-arms, and have no right to break the fetters which they are forging into swords? No; the war power of the government can sweep this institution into the Gulf. [Cheers.] Ever since 1842, that statesman-like claim and warring of the North has been on record, spoken by the lips of her wisest son. [Applause.] When the South cannonaded Fort Sumter the bones of Adams stirred in his coffin. [Cheers.] And you might have heard him, from that granite grave at Quincy, proclaim to the nation: The hour has struck! Seize the thunderbolt God has forged for you, and annihilate the system which has troubled your peace for seventy years! [Cheers.] Do not say this is a cold-blooded suggestion. I hardly ever knew slavery go down in any other circumstances. Only once, in the broad sweep of the world's history, was any nation lifted so high that she could stretch her imperial hand across the Atlantic, and lift by one peaceful word a million of slaves into liber
t he who, all her sacred trusts betraying, Millard Fillmore? Is scourging back to slavery's hell of pain The swarthy Kossuths of our land again! Not he whose utterance now, from lips designed Daniel Webster. The bugle-march of Liberty to wind, And call her hosts beneath the breaking light,— The keen reveille of her morn of fight,— Is but the hoarse note of the bloodhound's baying, The wolf's long howl behind the bondman's flight! O for the tongue of him who lies at rest J. Q. Adams. In Quincy's shade of patrimonial trees,— Last of the Puritan tribunes and the best,— To lend a voice to Freedom's sympathies, And hail the coming of the noblest guest The Old World's wrong has given the New World of the West! Who should receive him, indeed, if not those who had invited him? A prior question was, Who shall inform him truly of the state of affairs in the so-called land of freedom? An American who had known Kossuth at home, and likened him to Washington and Channing Lib. 19.104.
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 20: Abraham Lincoln.—1860. (search)
eat and glorious object to effect, namely, that of rallying to their standard the other States by the universal emancipation of their slaves. If the Union must be dissolved, slavery is precisely the question upon which it ought to break. As to the result of the breach, the great statesman's prevision was clear: If slavery be the destined sword, in the hand of the destroying angel, which is to sever the ties of this Union, the same sword will cut asunder the bonds of slavery itself. Quincy's Life of Adams, p. 114; Lib. 28.170. Garrison's perception was identical with Adams's. He greeted his readers at the opening of the thirty-first Lib. 31:[2]. volume of the Liberator with these words, suggested by the political situation: All Union-saving efforts are simply idiotic. At last, the covenant with death is annulled, and the agreement with hell broken—at least by the action of South Carolina, and ere long by all the slaveholding States, for their doom is one. Joy! But, a
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
s opposition to the President. Republican speakers, both at this time and in their meetings in the autumn, referred to him in terms of respect, and abstained in their resolutions from any formal censure. E. L. Pierce prepared and reported, as chairman of the committee, resolutions at the Republican State convention which avoided reference to the senator. He also wrote to the senator letters with the view of guarding his personal position. Some of them, like Charles Francis Adams, Jr., at Quincy, openly declared their purpose to support his re-election; and his declaration represented the spirit of the Republican masses. Sumner was kindly to old friends who did not follow him at this time; but it was a grief to him that he could not draw George William Curtis to his side. One evening in the spring of 1872, when Curtis was at his house and was about leaving, Sumner said to him, as if pleading for his support: When Brooks struck me down, Douglas stood by; now when Grant strikes, y
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Harvard Memorial Biographies, 1852. (search)
n 1855. He did not, however, long remain in Boston, but finding advancement rather slow, sought a more promising field for the exercise of his talents at Detroit, Michigan. There he remained but a year, and in 1857 removed to Grand Rapids, in the same State, where he continued to practise his profession till the winter of 1859-60, when he again changed his residence to Davenport, Iowa. He was there appointed Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas, and held this office till his removal to Quincy, Illinois, where he was living at the time of his enlistment in the Union army, August II, 1862. He joined the One Hundred and Twenty-fourth Illinois Volunteers as a private, and continued to perform his military duties in the army of Major-General Grant till his last sickness. He died September 26, 1864, in the United States Hospital at Vicksburg, Mississippi, of malarial fever. He had labored faithfully and fought well; and it is matter of satisfaction to his friends, as it was to himself,
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Harvard Memorial Biographies, 1862. (search)
ew Hampshire. Through his father he was descended from the venerable Samuel Haven, D. D., for more than half a century pastor of a church in Portsmouth, and from the Sheafe family, which for several generations, held there a prominent position in social and public life; while through his mother he traced a direct line of ancestry to the Elder Cushman, so celebrated in the early history of the Plymouth Colony. Mr. Haven's residence in the Mormon city was very brief. He soon removed to Quincy, Illinois, and thence to St. Louis, which was the earliest residence of which the subject of this memoir retained a remembrance. Cushman,—as he was always called by his family,—though not morbidly precocious, exhibited, from the first, plain tokens of mental quickness, activity, and vigor. His father was by education and profession a chemist, and the son early took a vivid interest in the father's pursuits. He recalled with entire distinctness in after years the details of experiments and ch
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2, XIV. Massachusetts women in the civil war. (search)
l as a student, to learn how to care for the sick, to dress wounds, to prepare diet for invalids, and to acquire a knowledge of what pertains to a well-regulated hospital. At the suggestion of Mrs. John C. Fremont, the St. Louis branch commission telegraphed her to come at once to that city, where she was greatly needed. At that time every available building in St. Louis was converted into a hospital, and was crowded with patients. The same was true of Mound City (near Cairo), Memphis, Quincy, Ill., and all the cities on the Ohio River. Miss Parsons was assigned to the hospital steamer City of Alton, which plied between Vicksburg and St. Louis, bringing the sick and wounded from the various military posts to whatever hospitals on the river could receive them. After a time she was transferred to Benton Barracks Hospital, St. Louis, where were two thousand patients. She was made superintendent of all the nurses employed there, men and women. She reduced the work to a perfect syste
t to settle. 4. The crest of the Rocky Mountains. The Southeast Confederacy would, in all human probability, in less than five years after the rupture, find itself bounded by the first and second lines indicated above, the Atlantic and the Gulf of Mexico, with its capital at say Columbia, South Carolina. The country between the second, third, and fourth of those lines would, beyond a doubt, in about the same time constitute another Confederacy, with its capital at probably Alton or Quincy, Illinois. The boundaries of the Pacific Union are the most definite of all, and the remaining States would constitute the Northeast Confederacy, with its capital at Albany. It, at the first thought, will be considered strange that seven slaveholding States and part of Virginia and Florida should be placed (above) in a new Confederacy with Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, etc. But when the overwhelming weight of the great Northwest is taken in connection with the laws of trade, contiguity of territory
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