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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860April, 1861. (search)
cluded two-thirds of the Republican senators, but a smaller proportion of the Republican members of the House, where there was much shifting of position. New York Times, January 23; February 5. Of this type in the Senate were Sumner, Wilson, Trumbull, Wade, and Preston King; and in the House, Thaddeus Stevens, John Hickman, G. A. Grow, Roscoe Conkling, and Owen Lovejoy; and among Massachusetts members, Alley, Buffinton, Burlingame, Eliot, and Gooch. At such a period the steady courage of Suthrough; and the next day he had a correction made in the journal which had failed to record his objection. It passed at the end of the session by the exact two-thirds vote required. Among the negative votes were those of Sumner, Wilson, Foot, Trumbull, Wade, Preston King, and Z. Chandler. Seward and Fessenden did not vote. In presenting, February 18, petitions opposed to compromise, Sumner added comments of his own in approval. He expressed his dissent, February 25, from one which prayed f
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
ssenden of Maine, Hale of New Hampshire, Foot and Collamer of Vermont, Preston King of New York, Wilmot of Pennsylvania, Trumbull of Illinois, Wade and Sherman of Ohio, and Chandler of Michigan. The presence most missed was that of Douglas, who died June 3. The session of July 9 was set apart for eulogies on Douglas, in which Trumbull and Collamer took part. Sumner, though inclined to pay tributes to deceased associates, remained silent. The committee on foreign relations consisted of Sumne27. Failing to change the terms of the bill, he voted against the admission. A number of Republican senators, including Trumbull and Wilson, voted with him. Curiously enough, he often encountered in his antislavery efforts the sharpest criticism or debate, but was lost on a later vote. Among the senators voting with him were Anthony, Fessenden, Foot, Grimes, King, Trumbull, Wade, and Wilmot. Among those voting against the amendment were Hale and Wilson. Consideration for the border slave St
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
nclude in it only the cordial and unwavering supporters of a vigorous and successful prosecution of the war. The committee of the caucus, consisting of Collamer, Trumbull, Howard, Harris, Grimes, Pomeroy, Fessenden, Fessenden's unfavorable opinion of Seward at an early date is given in his letter, Feb. 2, 1858, to J. S. Pike. Fcoln, vol. VI. pp. 263-272. The last account referred to needs confirmation as to some details, particularly in the statement which includes Grimes, Sumner, and Trumbull as attacking the Cabinet generally. This is not true of Sumner, who is known to have been earnest in his support of Chase and Stanton, and is not known to have debates in the Senate, July 9 and 10, particularly in the speeches of Sherman, Fessenden, Collamer, and Rice of Minnesota, A committee of senators, headed by Trumbull, waited on the President to urge more vigorous measures,—among them the arming of negroes. New York Tribune, July 21, 1862.—none of whom had been disposed hithe
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
debate, replying to Reverdy Johnson. Sherman and Trumbull, wishing to keep legislative matter off the approp fourteen to sixteen,—Foster, Grimes, Sherman, and Trumbull voting nay; but moved again by Sumner on the same f the railway would be subjected. Sumner reminded Trumbull that the argument of supererogation had not bound Foster and Sherman now joined him, and Grimes and Trumbull did not vote. A few days later he carried a gener chief desire that prompt action should be taken. Trumbull, adopting the formula of the Ordinance of 1787, rehall not exist anywhere within the United States. Trumbull could not see why Sumner should be so pertinaciousmore French than American. Sumner, on appeal from Trumbull, withdrew his proposition, though afterwards regreFessenden's temper was disturbed by ill-health. Trumbull once told Fessenden that his ill-temper had left h, vol. III. pp. 69, 91, 358, names also Boutwell, Trumbull, Wilson, and W. D. Kelley as supporting the princi
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
and Wade, in the Senate. It was reported by Trumbull from the judiciary committee, and he was the ary committee, and were reported adversely by Trumbull its chairman; and the credentials of the persge of front was referred to in the debate. Trumbull had conferred personally with the President ohe struggle began Thursday, February 23, when Trumbull moved to take up the resolution concerning Loourn met the same fate. The contest went on. Trumbull pushed personalities further than before, cal charge of browbeating as more appropriate to Trumbull himself, declaring his purpose and maintainin of the negroes as well as of the white men. Trumbull admitted that a vote could not be reached aga it was utterly impossible to take the vote. Trumbull renewed, with repetition, the charge of factihe Lecompton constitution for Kansas; taunted Trumbull for his miraculous conversion on the Louisian language, but not stronger than his opponent Trumbull, or his supporters Howard and Wade. He stood [3 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
, March 27, of the Civil Rights bill, and July 16, of the second Freedmen's Bureau bill—the last two vetoes being overcome by a two-thirds vote of both houses. Trumbull showed consummate ability in the drafting, management, and advocacy of these measures. As they were well handled in debate—not only by Trumbull, but by Howard, Trumbull, but by Howard, Morrill of Maine, Fessenden, and Wilson—Sumner, although he had prepared himself on the Civil Rights bill, did not speak; but he watched the measure closely and with deep interest, approving it altogether, and recognizing it as a precedent for his own bill for equal political rights in the reconstructed States. Feb. 7, 1866; Coh a plurality as a sufficient vote to elect, and also the right of a senator to vote on his own title. March 23 and 26. Works, vol. x. pp. 377-390, 391-405. Trumbull, of the judiciary committee, supported the validity of Stockton's election; but Fessenden and Sumner were in agreement against it. This contested case led to a b<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?1866-1867. (search)
ol. x. pp. 21-29. though going more into detail. The situation was complicated by the question of the precedence to be given to bills. In the emergency resort was had, as is common in such cases, to a party caucus. After the session, which closed at 3 A. M., the Republican senators met at 11 A. Mr., when a committee, consisting of Sherman, Fessenden, Howard, Harris, Howe is likely to have served instead of Harris; Sherman, Feb. 10, 1870. Congressional Globe. p. 1182. Frelinghuysen, Trumbull, and Sumner, was appointed to consider the whole subject. They at once proceeded to their business, and remained in session the greater part of the afternoon, during which they revised the House bill, and added conditions on which the rebel States should be admitted to representation. Sumner made an earnest effort for equal suffrage, but it found no favor with his associates, only one supporting him; Howard probably. and he gave notice that he should appeal to the caucus. At 5 P. M. t
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
came into the possession of Ben Perley Poore, and was sold in 1888 at an auction in Boston to a New York dealer in autographs. The Senate began its session, March 5, for the trial of the impeachment, Chief-Justice Chase presiding; and the vote was taken May 11, resulting in an acquittal,--thirty-five declaring the President guilty, and eighteen declaring him not guilty, which was not the two-thirds required. Among the nays were six Republicans, including Fessenden, Grimes, Henderson, and Trumbull. The change of a single vote would have effected the President's deposition from office. As often occurs in such contests, the personal element had a part in the result. Some of the senators had been in controversies with Wade, president of the Senate, who would have succeeded an impeached President; and his style and temperament were more or less publicly referred to as objections to his becoming Mr. Johnson's successor. The chief-justice bore himself with dignity and impartiality, but
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
XIII. pp. 204-233; Feb. 10 and 17, 1870 Ibid, pp. 331-335; April 5, Ibid., pp. 353-369; April 19, Congressional Globe, p. 2828. A few of the Republican senators (Trumbull, Stewart, and M. H. Carpenter) did not recognize the propriety of the fundamental conditions, Ante, pp. 284-287, 309-311. or the competency of Congress to imposary 22: I hope you will excuse me for adding the expression of my deep regret at the controversy into which you have been forced by the discourteous conduct of Mr. Trumbull. The correspondent of the New York Times, February 11, wrote of the controversy: With all his faults there is hardly a better-natured man in the Senate than Mt untimely; an amendment, however, admitting, aliens of African nativity or descent was carried, and became a part of the Act as passed. The differences between Trumbull and Sumner on fundamental conditions did not prevent their hearty co-operation on this question. A few days later. Sumner, when a bill to prohibit contracts fo
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
had his controversies, as with Winthrop, Adams, Seward, Fessenden, Trumbull, Edmunds; but they were all honorable men, and they respected the . Y.), Sherman (Ohio), Windom(Minn.), Wright (Iowa), Logan (Ill.), Trumbull (Ill.), Tipton (Neb.), Hitchcock (Neb.), Caldwell (Kan.), Corbett t the removal were Wilson, Schurz, Fenton, Sherman, Ferry (Conn.), Trumbull, Corbett, and Morrill (Vt.). The caucus met again the next morningision of which was not to be questioned outside of the caucus; but Trumbull pointed out that the proposed action was extraordinary, and that agrity and worth, and leading the army of liberty in this country. Trumbull said: I stood by him [Sumner] when he was stricken down in his sealaced among his meritorious services. Unlike the Vermont senator, Trumbull forgot the heats of former conflicts, and stood manfully by his ol of the senator,—Patterson. Schurz, Casserly, Morrill of Vermont, Trumbull, Fenton, Thurman, Bayard, Morrill of Maine, Logan, Anthony, Windom
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