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w much more should it make itself felt by the people who regarded their land as its chosen abode! It might suffer eclipse during their struggle to recover their trans-Atlantic possessions by force; but the old love of freedom, which was fixed by the habit of centuries, must once more reassert its sway. In the calm hours of the winter recess, members of the house of commons reasoned dispassionately on the war with their ancient colonists. The king having given up Germain, superseded Sir Henry Clinton by the humane Chap. XXVI.} 1782. Sir Guy Carleton, and owned it impossible to propose great continental operations. The estimates carried by the ministry through parliament for America were limited to defensive measures, and the house could no longer deceive itself as to the hopelessness of the contest. Accordingly on the twenty-second of February, Feb. 22. 1782, a motion against continuing the American war was made by Conway; was supported by Fox, William Pitt, Barre, Wilberforce,
an claims as a proper Chap. XXVIII.} 1782. April 16. person to be put upon the half-pay list. At the north, within the immediate precincts of the authority of Clinton, Colonel James Delancy, of West Chester, caused three rebels to be publicly executed within the British lines, in a pretended retaliation for the murder of some ofor the death of a loyalist prisoner who had been shot as he was attempting to escape. Congress and Washington demanded the delivery of Lippincot as a murderer. Clinton, though incensed at the outrage and at the insult to his own authority and honor, refused the requisition, but subjected him to a court-martial, which condemned t six hundred of them or more were sent to America in cartels for exchange. The arrival Chap. XXVIII.} 1782. May 5. of Sir Guy Carleton at New York to supersede Clinton was followed by consistent clemency. He desired that hostilities of all kinds might be stayed. He treated captives always with gentleness; and some of them he s
ised though gallant and patriotic Andre, the historian relates the retirement of Lord Cornwallis into Virginia, his occupation of Yorktown and Gloucester, his frequent repulses of the enemy, and finally, after vainly awaiting the arrival of Sir Henry Clinton, his capitulation to General Washington. This capitulation was the turning point of the American war. A year after the surrender at Yorktown the preliminaries of peace were signed. The treaty concluded, not without some sharp practice on trent system altogether. It was now determined to acknowledge the independence of America, and as the first step, Sir Guy Carlton, whose humane conduct as Governor of Canada, had made him popular with the Americans, was appointed to succeed Sir Henry Clinton as Commander-in-Chief. This officer immediately set to work to dissolve the coalition against Great Britain, by endeavoring to entice the Americans from it. Similar attempts had been made upon Holland, but without success. The British go
out of their estates to the persons who have been injured and oppressed by them. I have ordered, in the most positive manner, that every militia man who has borne arms with us and afterwards joined the enemy, shall be hanged. I desire you will take the most rigorous measures to punish the rebels in the district which you command." This letter fell into the hands of Washington, and was made, with the similar orders issued by Lord Rawdon, the topic of indignant remonstrance with Sir Henry Clinton, their superior officer, to whom some modifying letters were written by these officers, to mitigate the enormity of their acts. They would need no mitigation in order to make them conform to the bloody minded counsels of the Lincoln press of this day.--On the contrary, the tone and almost the very words are renewed every day through their columns. It is another part of history that, in little more than a year after this letter was written, Cornwallis himself was a prisoner to
Yankee humanity. --The Lynchburg Virginian, commenting upon Gen. Beauregard's noble reply to Arnold Harris, (who applied for permission to pass our lines in quest of the body of Col. Cameron,) says: This is exactly the course that ought to have been pursued. It is the policy observed by Washington when, under somewhat similar circumstances, Sir Henry Clinton wished to treat with him as Mr. Washington. The noble old Virginian would respond to no message that did not recognize the validity of the official title he held by authority of Congress. And Mr Cameron will be brought to this acknowledgment ere long. There is an intimation in the note of Gen Beauregard that " humanity should teach an enemy to care for its wounded, and Christianity to bury its dead"--two things that the Hessians have not done. No flag of truce from the Government or any general officer has been sent to look after the dead and wounded. Those of the former that were buried, after our dead had been
on, and one week after, defeated the English at Princeton. He plucked safety even from defeat. He made his very reverses conduce to his victory; for his enemy would never have exposed himself as he did, had he not believed him no longer capable of molesting him. To such an extent was this confidence indulged in, that Lord Cornwallis wrote to General Howe, but a day or two before the battle of Trenton, "I will engage to keep the peace Jersey with a corporal's guard." Again: When Sir Henry Clinton captured Charleston, he made prisoners of the whole American army. The American General, Lincoln, had made the fate of the campaign turn on the possession of that city.--This policy was condemned by Col. Tarleton in his "campaigns, " as the height of folly.--He should, said that officer, have left Charleston to its fate, and retired to the country, whence he could have kept up such a war as Washington waged upon the North river and the Delaware. Unquestionably, that was the true doct
der from a clear sky. It has startled fogyism like the explosion of a bombshell. The sensation it has created is a proof that it has touched the sensitive sore spot of the rebellion. This is the one vulnerable point of secession, and yet it is the thing which our rulers seem afraid to touch. Gen. Hunter has the power to emancipate all the slaves in his district, and once set free they can never be re-enslaved, even should the General be recalled and his proclamation disavowed. When Sir Henry Clinton held this city, he emancipated a number of slaves held by whig owners, and our courts held that being once set free they were forever free. They were emancipated under martial law, and the slaves set free by Gen. Hunter should have the benefit of the same legal principle. Despite the telegraphic report that the president will modify the proclamation, we cannot believe that he will re-enslave so many thousand of human beings, unless his anxiety for the preservation of slavery is super
eat military officer that Yankeedom ever produced, and who became a Georgian by adoption, the "Northern support" alluded to by the Times amounted to nothing. "A few feeble companies from Pennsylvania," says the Courier, "reached South Carolina and did service; but beyond this, and a few staff officers, perhaps, no Northerner ever pressed Southern soil in defence of the Revolution." This is unquestionably true. The powerful army of which the Yankee General, Lincoln, made a gift to Sir Henry Clinton at Charleston — shutting himself up in that city while the enemy was all powerful by sea and land, and had nothing to do but blockade the harbor, and throw a force of double his strength around it by land — was composed almost entirely of men from Virginia, North and South Carolina, and Georgia. To the best of our knowledge and belief, there were not half a dozen companies of Yankees among them. The large army which Gates afterwards so foolishly threw away at Camden was composed of t
nd Yankee historians have been in the habit of ascribing to the ministry and armies of George III. which their own Congress and their own people have not committed on a vastly extended scale, and with the addition of ten-fold horrors. We are induced to make these observations by a paragraph in the press telegram of yesterday morning, in which it is stated that four hundred citizens had been killed in a riot in New Orleans, occasioned by Canby's attempt to enforce the draft. When Sir Henry Clinton captured Charleston in May, 1780, he published a proclamation, in which he called upon the people of South Carolina to return to their homes and remain quiet, promising all who did so that they should not be disturbed. His successor, Lord Cornwallis, disregarding this promise, called upon all people capable of bearing arms to come forward and assist in putting down the rebellion, and his agents and emissaries traversed the State from one end to the other in order to compel obedience.
on, and landing forces at Beaufort, invested it by land. The city not only fell, but it carried the army along with it. Every man was captured, and the Southern States left entirely without an army. It was then that the spirit of the people rose to supply the place of a regular army. It was then that Marion, Sumpter and Clarke first began to teach the British that though they had conquered Savannah and Charleston, they had not conquered South Carolina and Georgia. The dispatch from Sir Henry Clinton to Lord George Germania, the British Secretary of War, announcing that South Carolina was completely subdued, had hardly been published in the Gazette, when news arrived that these bold partizans had already rekindled the war. Cornwallis, like Sherman, commenced his march northward. He overthrew the army of Gates at Camden, and, for awhile, put an end to all regular opposition. But Marion and Sumpter were still at work, and in less than two months after Camden, came King's Mountain;
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