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Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 152 (search)
cadidates voted for by their people, was the redress in advance of grievances which they may, reasonably or unreasonably, have expected, but which had not yet occurred. There is the high authority of the Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy, who declared a week after the election of Mr. Lincoln that the election was not a cause for secession, and that there was no certainty that he would have either the power or the inclination to invade the constitutional rights of the South. See Stephens' Speech, page 219, seq. In the Free States it was held that the resolutions of the convention by which Mr. Lincoln was nominated were scrupulously and conscientiously framed to protect all those constitutional rights. The question of slavery in the Territories, of the future extension of slavery, was one which had always been an open question and on which issue was now joined. But it was no question at all that slavery within a State was sacred from all interference by the General Governm
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 154 (search)
presentatives of Georgia, Nov. 14, 1860. Mr. Stephens entered the Hall at the hour of 7 P. M., an Toombs--The tariff assessed the duties. Mr. Stephens--Yes, and Massachusetts with unanimity vote defects? Mr. Toombs--In spite of it. Mr. Stephens--My honorable friend says we have, in spiteaid the argument was already exhausted.] Mr. Stephens continued — Some friend says that the argum Mr. Toombs--I am afraid of conventions. Mr. Stephens--I am not afraid of any convention legally -I do not wish the people to be cheated. Mr. Stephens--Now, my friends, how are we going to cheatule? Mr. Toombs--The convention will. Mr. Stephens--No, my friend, Georgia will never do it. T--I will. (Applause on the other side.) Mr. Stephens--I have no doubt that my honorable friend fin the assembly — We will kick them out. Mr. Stephens--I would not kick them out. But if they choy and all that patriotism could require. Mr. Stephens continued for some time on other matters, w[1 more...]<
Charles E. Stowe, Harriet Beecher Stowe compiled from her letters and journals by her son Charles Edward Stowe, Chapter 16: the Civil war, 1860-1865. (search)
mselves is proof enough, that, whatever may be declared on the other side, the maintenance of slavery is regarded by them as the vital object of their movement. We ask your attention under this head to the declaration of their Vice-President, Stephens, in that remarkable speech delivered on the 21st of March, 1861, at Savannah, Georgia, wherein he declares the object and purposes of the new Confederacy. It is one of the most extraordinary papers which our century has produced. I quote from the verbatim report in the Savannah Republican of the address as it was delivered in the Athenaeum of that city, on which occasion, says the newspaper from which I copy, Mr. Stephens took his seat amid a burst of enthusiasm and applause such as the Athenaeum has never had displayed within its walls within the recollection of the oldest inhabitant. Last, not least, the new Constitution has put at rest forever all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar institution,--African slavery a
Charles E. Stowe, Harriet Beecher Stowe compiled from her letters and journals by her son Charles Edward Stowe, Index. (search)
ffer author remuneration, 202. Clay, Henry, and his compromise, 143. Cogswell, Catherine Ledyard, schoolfriend of H. B. S., 31. College of Teachers, 79. Collins professorship, 129. Colored people, advance of, 255. Confederacy, A. H. Stephens on object of, 381. Courage and cheerfulness of H. B. S., 473. Cranch, E. P., 69. Cruikshank illustrates Uncle Tom's Cabin, 192. D. Daniel Deronda, appears in Harper's, 473; his nature like H. W. Beecher's, 481; admiration of Profnnected with, 467; Robert Dale Owen on, 464; Goethe on, 465; H. B. S.'s letter to George Eliot on, 466; her mature views on, 485; a comfort to doubters and disbelievers, 487; from Christian standpoint, 487. Stafford House meeting, 233. Stephens, A. H., on object of Confederacy, 381. Storrs, Dr. R. S., 181. Stowe, Calvin E., 56; death of first wife, 75; his engagement to Harriet E. Beecher, 76; their marriage, 76, 77; his work in Lane Seminary, 79; sent by the Seminary to Europe on edu
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
nd his vote for the Mexican war bill naturally attracted to him the support of Southern Whigs; The Southern Whigs in the Whig caucus, acting under the lead of Stephens and Toombs. supported Winthrop in a body in preference to Vinton of Ohio. Johnston and Browne's Life of A. H. Stephens, p. 220. while for the same reasons he we sixty-third ballot, by a plurality vote, which it had been agreed should be decisive. Some of the Southern Whigs, holding advanced pro-slavery positions, as Stephens and Toombs, who had supported Winthrop two years before, now voted for an independent candidate of their own kind. In the interval they had been drawing nearer to South Carolina disunionism. Stephens had, perhaps, a personal reason, not having been assigned to the place on committees which he desired. A. H. Stephens's Life, by Johnston and Browne, pp. 220, 221, 237, 238. The spectacle of this small band of Free Soilers, immovable in spite of frowns and odious epithets from all sides, a
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. (search)
steady,—members changing or withholding votes, with no final advantage on either side. The contest was renewed in the next Congress,—1849-1850. It began with the debate on the election of Speaker in December, and continued during the session which ended September 30, 1850. It passed beyond the question of the territories, and comprehended all the relations of slavery to the nation. It was marked by profound interest on both sides, and watched with deep anxiety by the country. Toombs, Stephens, Clingman, Jefferson Davis, and Foote read elaborate speeches at the beginning of the session, and, supported by the bolder spirits of the South, declared themselves ready for disunion in the event of legislation by Congress prohibiting slavery in the territories, or even of the admission of California with her free State constitution. In Mississippi, Governor Quitman's inaugural message, in January. 1850, was an harangue for disunion. They seemed to be sincere in this aggressive and thr
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
9, 13, 14, 1850; Courier, March 11. and by the people of Massachusetts with surprise and indignation. His biographer, G. T. Curtis, admits this adverse opinion, vol. II. p. 410. The Whig press of New England, with rare exceptions, condemned his unexpected movement The rumor, which anticipated the speech in the last days of February, was not credited. （Boston Atlas, March 1.) The Southern leaders had been advised of the tenor of the speech two weeks before it was delivered. (A. II. Stephens's Life, by Johnston and Browne, p. 250.) Webster, as early as January 21, admitted Clay to a confidence as to his purpose which he withheld from his own people. G. T. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 397. and at first only one Whig newspaper The Newburyport Herald. in Massachusetts, outside of Boston, cordially approved it. If a direct popular vote could have been taken on the Fugitive Slave bill, or on the Compromise as a whole, it is safe to say that nine tenths, perhaps ninetee
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans), The civil history of the Confederate States (search)
Mason, Hunter, Soule, Dodge, Fremont, Toombs, Stephens, and other statesmen of experience and abilitts—Daniel Webster. Upon his speech, and, as Mr. Stephens says, even on his vote, the great issue huny a small majority. Howell Cobb, Toombs, and Stephens united in support of the compromise. Their s the convention by the Southern delegates. Mr. Stephens, however, declares it as his memory that th, thoroughly Union, and led by Mason, Toombs, Stephens, Cobb, Jefferson Davis and the like, was cont for the Senate. His views were opposed by Mr. Stephens, who regarded the differences North and Sous long since been made known to the South. Mr. Stephens, whose just judgment no man can question anr States advising them to take that course. （Stephens' War Between the States, vol. 2, p. 416.) Mr.th Carolina the co-operation of his State. Mr. Stephens threw all his influence against secession ih representative leaders as Mr. Crittenden, Mr. Stephens, Mr. Mason and Mr. Jefferson Davis. Referr[3 more...]<
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans), Biographical: officers of civil and military organizations. (search)
the instance of President Davis, who called the vicepresi-dent, Mr. Stephens, into confidential counsel upon the subject, with the result that Mr. Stephens suggested Judge Campbell as one of three commissioners, and Mr. Davis accepting the suggestion, appointed Mr. Stephens, Judge CMr. Stephens, Judge Campbell and Mr. Hunter to hold an interview with President Lincoln. That remarkable conference occurred between these three commissioners on ding through which hostilities could be suspended for a moment. Mr. Stephens did the principal part of the talking on the part of the South,he Union cease at once. Mr. Lincoln said with earnestness, says Mr. Stephens, that he could entertain no proposition for ceasing active mility asked that any reply to this question should be withheld until Mr. Stephens had spoken further on his propositions, and after that was done the secretary controverted Mr. Stephens theory as impracticable, and on a renewal of the question by Judge Campbell, President Lincoln's reply
Maj. Jed. Hotchkiss, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 3, Virginia (ed. Clement Anselm Evans), Chapter II (search)
I am doubtful. On the day of Brown's execution, bells were tolled and minute guns fired in many places in the North, and church services and public meetings were held for the purpose of glorifying his deeds and sanctifying the cause he represented, recognizing in him a martyr to the teachings of the abolitionists. Eventually his name became the slogan under which, as a battle hymn, the Northern troops invaded and overran the South. In reference to Brown's invasion of Virginia, Hon. A. H. Stephens, in his history of the United States, says: This act greatly inflamed the Southern mind, especially as it was lauded by the official authorities of those Northern States which had refused to comply with their obligations under the Constitution in the matter of the rendition of fugitive slaves. It is interesting to note the men who appeared upon the scenes of these opening hostilities between the North and the South, and who subsequently became famous or celebrated characters in the
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