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Colonel Theodore Lyman, With Grant and Meade from the Wilderness to Appomattox (ed. George R. Agassiz), Index (search)
17; reelection, 154, 204, 245, 259; government, 247; review of troops, 322; described, 324. Linear house, 220. Locke, Frederick Thomas, remark of, 47. Long's Bridge, 156, 157. Longstreet, James, 94, 95, 122, 126. Loring, Charles Greely, 200, 211, 239, 246. Ludlow, Benjamin Chambers, 54, 56. Lunn, —, 276, 277. Lyman, Elizabeth (Russell), III, 3. Lyman, Mary (Henderson), II. Lyman, Richard, i. Lyman, Theodore (1st), i. Lyman, Theodore (1792-1849), II. Lyman, Theodore (1833-1897), account of, i; joins Meade's staff 1; with Pleasonton, 14; goes to Washington, 36; astronomical observations, 44; thirty-first year , 226; visits the North, 228, 303; important, 335; meets Lee, 361; Meade's letter, 362. Lyon, Nathaniel, 9. McClellan, Arthur, 70, 112. McClellan, George Brinton, 141, 262. McGregor, —, 234. McKibbin, Chambers, 220. McLaughlen Napoleon Bonaparte, 261, 323. McMahon, John E., 154. McMahon, Martin Thomas, 107, 247. McParlin, Thomas Andrew, 115, 2
.) I substantially cited the best authority that could be produced upon this subject, and took this position during the last session of Congress. I stand here to-day before you and advocate the same principles I then contended for. As early as 1833, (let me here say that I am glad to find that the Committee which have waited upon me on this occasion, and have presented to me their sentiments through their organ — I am glad to find that they represent all the parties among which we have been divided;)--as early as 1833, I say, I formed my opinions in reference to this doctrine of secession in the nullification of the laws of the United States. I held these doctrines up to the year 1850, and I maintain them still. (Applause.) I entertained these opinions, as I remarked before, down to the latest sitting of Congress, and I then reiterated them. I entertain and express them here to-day. (Applause.) In this connection, I may be permitted to remark that, during our last struggl
ir, (continued the great expounder, ) your eyes and mine are not destined to see that miracle. The dismemberment of this vast country without convulsion! The breaking up of the fountains of the great deep without ruffling the surface! No! Secede when you will, you will have war in all its horrors: there is no escape. The President of the United States is sworn to see that the laws be faithfully executed, and he must and will — as Gen. Washington did, and as Gen. Jackson would have done in 1833--use the army, and the navy, and the militia, to execute the laws, and defend the Government. If he does not, he will be a perjured man. Besides, you cannot bring the people of the South to a perfect union for secession. There are those — and their name is legion --whom no intimidation can drive into the disunion ranks. They love the old Union which their fathers transmitted to them, and under which their country has become great, and under which they and their children have been free and
doctrine of Secession and those who are cooperating with it in the shape of rebels and traitors. I advocated the professions of a distinguished son of Kentucky at the late election, for the reason that I believed he was a better Union man than any other candidate in the field. Others advocated the claims of Mr. Bell, believing him to be a better Union man; others those of Mr. Douglas. In the South we know that there was no Republican ticket. I was a Union man then; I was a Union man in 1833; I am a Union man now. And what has transpired since the election in November last that has produced sufficient cause to break up this Government? The Senator from California enumerated the facts up to the 25th day of May, 1860, when there was a vote taken in this body for the protection of slave property in the Territories. Now, from the 6th of November up to the 20th of December, tell me what transpired of sufficient cause to break up this Government? Was there any innovation, was there
ion, but I am not going to offer any opinion of my own. I am going to offer to your notice a fact of which I am perfectly cognizant, and which occurred in the year 1833-either at the latter end of the year 1833 or the beginning of the year 1834. At that time Donna Maria was on the throne of Portugal. In 1833, Dom Miguel was expe1833 or the beginning of the year 1834. At that time Donna Maria was on the throne of Portugal. In 1833, Dom Miguel was expelled from that country, and yet a noted agent of Dom Miguel applied to the Peninsular and Oriental Company for a passage to Lisbon in the Tagus steamer. The passage was refused. That agent prosecuted the company. I do not mean to say that this is decidedly a point in support, but a fortiori it strengthens my argument. He prose1833, Dom Miguel was expelled from that country, and yet a noted agent of Dom Miguel applied to the Peninsular and Oriental Company for a passage to Lisbon in the Tagus steamer. The passage was refused. That agent prosecuted the company. I do not mean to say that this is decidedly a point in support, but a fortiori it strengthens my argument. He prosecuted the company for having refused him a passage, and after a long hearing the political agent was cast, but the only plea on which he was cast was the plea of the company that if they had not refused him they would have been refused admittance to the Tagus, and, consequently, have been subjected to a prosecution, collectively a
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler, Chapter 2: early political action and military training. (search)
in cash, with-out any deduction or diminution. The only exception was that in the earliest years one corporation required thirty cents a month to be deducted for the support of religious worship. So well has this full and regular payment of wages been maintained that a really serious strike for higher wages has never occurred in Lowell, and, further, no worker in the corporate mills in Lowell has ever lost by non-payment a dollar of wages earned. When President Jackson visited Lowell in 1833, all the laboring men and women of the mills turned out to welcome and escort him. Every woman carried a parasol and was dressed in white muslin, with a blue sash, save the women of the Hamilton corporation, who wore black sashes in respect for the memory of their agent [manager], who had just died. Afterwards, so strong was the feeling of American citizenship, that the several hundred operatives in the weaving rooms of the Hamilton mill struck and left the mill because the company had put
stitution if the representatives from the North should unite. Hence the slave States, in order to preserve the balance of power in the Senate, entered into the far-famed Missouri compromise, by which Maine, as a free State, was to be taken from Massachusetts, and Missouri, as a slave State, from the Louisiana purchase, and both were to be admitted into the Union at the same time. Slavery was abolished in the Southwestern American colonies of Great Britain by an Act of Parliament passed in 1833. This act emancipated all slaves from the first day of August, 1834, and appropriated the sum of twenty million pounds sterling to compensate the owners for their loss of services. But it held the emancipated person as an apprentice for six years, bound to give forty-five hours each week to the service of his master. About this time an anti-slavery agitation was begun in this country, originating substantially in New England, and led by William Lloyd Garrison of Massachusetts. It spread r
Rebellion Record: Introduction., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), Appendix C, p. 31. (search)
was taken by the distinguished senator. I find the following extracts from the speeches of two distinguished southern senators, in The Union, a spirited paper published at St. Cloud, Minnesota: It was often said at the North, and admitted by candid statesmen at the South, that anti-slavery agitation strengthened rather than weakened slavery. Here are the admissions of Senator Hammond on this point, in a speech which he delivered in South Carolina, October 24, 1858:-- And what then (1833) was the state of opinion in the South? Washington had emancipated his slaves. Jefferson had bitterly denounced the system, and had done all that he could to destroy it. Our Clays, Marshalls, Crawfords, and many other prominent Southern men, led off in the colonization scheme. The inevitable effect in the South was that she believed slavery to be an evil — weakness — disgraceful — nay, a sin. She shrunk from the discussion of it. She cowered under every threat. She attempted to apologize,<
Brooks1785. James Wyman1787. Thomas Brooks1788. Ebenezer Hall1789. Nathaniel Hall1800. Timothy Bigelow1808. Dudley Hall1813. Abner Bartlett1815. Turell Tufts1824. Thatcher Magoun1825. John B. Fitch1826. John Sparrell1831. Thomas R. Peck1833. Frederick A. Kendall1834. Timothy Cotting1834. John King1835. James O. Curtis1836. George W. Porter1837. Lewis Richardson1838. Leonard Bucknam1838. Alexander Gregg1840. Thatcher R. Raymond1843. Gorham Brooks1846. Joseph P. Hall1847. Tl. Professor Parker held office for eleven years, and, in 1827, resigned. Hon. Asahel Stearns (brother of Dr. Stearns, of Medford) was then chosen, 1817, and served acceptably till 1829, when John Hooker Ashman succeeded. He died, in office, in 1833; and, in 1834, Hon. Simon Greenleaf was chosen, and performed his duties with eminent success. He resigned in 1848, and was succeeded by Hon. Theophilus Parsons, who is now in office. These distinguished jurisconsults have each paid a tribute
y. 1829: Voted to build a schoolhouse, of wood, in the west part of the town. This was placed on the Woburn Road, on land bought of Jonathan Brooks, Esq. In 1831, it was removed and placed near the alms-house, on land belonging to the town. 1833: Voted to build a schoolhouse in the eastern district, the cost not to exceed four hundred dollars. The primary schools were taught by females, but not continued through the winter. March 3, 1834: Voted that the school-committee be directed st growing into the sear and yellow leaf: so pray excuse me. You ask about the educational movements in the Old Colony with which I was connected. The story is very short, and to most persons must be very uninteresting. While in Europe, in 1833, I became interested in the Prussian system of education. I sought every occasion to enlarge my knowledge of its nature and action. A good opportunity came to me without my seeking it. The King of Prussia had sent Dr. Julius, of Hamburg, to this
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