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James Redpath, The Public Life of Captain John Brown, Book 1: he keepeth the sheep. (search)
d honest. The effect of what he saw during the war was to so far disgust him with military affairs that he would neither train, or drill; but paid fines ; & got along like a Quaker untill his age finally has cleared him of Military duty. During the war with England a circumstance occurred that in the end made him a most determined Abolitionist: & led him to declare, or Swear: Eternal war with Slavery. He was staying for a short time with a very gentlemanly landlord once a United States Marshall who held a slave boy near his own age very active, intelligent and good feeling; & to whom John was under considerable obligation for numerous little acts of kindness. The master made a great pet of John: brought him to table with his first company; & friends; called their attention to every little smart thing he said, or did: & to the fact of his being more than a hundred miles from home with a company of cattle alone; while the negro boy (who was fully if not more than his equal This
James Redpath, The Public Life of Captain John Brown, Chapter 2: the father of the man. (search)
d honest. The effect of what he saw during the war was to so far disgust him with military affairs that he would neither train, or drill; but paid fines ; & got along like a Quaker untill his age finally has cleared him of Military duty. During the war with England a circumstance occurred that in the end made him a most determined Abolitionist: & led him to declare, or Swear: Eternal war with Slavery. He was staying for a short time with a very gentlemanly landlord once a United States Marshall who held a slave boy near his own age very active, intelligent and good feeling; & to whom John was under considerable obligation for numerous little acts of kindness. The master made a great pet of John: brought him to table with his first company; & friends; called their attention to every little smart thing he said, or did: & to the fact of his being more than a hundred miles from home with a company of cattle alone; while the negro boy (who was fully if not more than his equal This
t, and when the Southern heart had become fired, this man, living in a strong pro-slavery region, and surrounded by opulent slaveholders-his own family connections and those of his wife being also wealthy and bitter secessionists-very prudently held his peace, feeling his utter inability to stem the tide of the rebellion in his section. This reticence, together with his known Southern birth and relations, enabled him to pass unsuspected, and almost unobserved, at a time when Breckinridge, Marshall, Preston, and Buckner, and other ardent politicians of Kentucky chose the rebellion as their portion, and endeavored to carry with them the State amidst a blaze of excitement. Thus, without tacit admissions or any direct action upon his part, the gentleman of whom we write was classed by the people of his section as a secessionist. Circumstances occurred during that year by which this person was brought into contact with a Federal commander in Kentucky, General Nelson. Their meeting an
tness the abasement of the great enemy of their most cherished institution. They were to see him driven from the nation's council chamber, a crushed and dishonored man. Not one friendly face looked down upon him as he sat coolly awaiting the attack, and upon the floor about him were few of his colleagues that gave him their sympathies. The two most eloquent Congressmen from the South were selected to lead the prosecution. One was the celebrated Henry A. Wise, of Virginia; the other Tom Marshall, of Kentucky. The latter opened the proceedings by offering a resolution charging Mr. Adams with treasonable conduct and directing his expulsion. He supported it with a speech of much ingenuity. Wise followed in a fiery diatribe. Both speakers imprudently indulged in personal allusions of a somewhat scandalous nature, thus laying themselves open, with episodes in their careers of questionable propriety, to retaliation from a man who thoroughly knew their records. At this point we hav
tion policy, 145; and Abolitionists, 147; and Free-Soilers, 172; Congressional sentiment toward, 177; antagonism to, 177-180; Life of, by I. N. Arnold, 177. Lincoln, Sumner, 205. Longhead, Joseph, 203. Lovejoy, Elijah P., shooting of, 32, 89, 14-115, 161. Lowell, Ellis Gray, 204. Lundy, Benjamin, 27, 50-54; meeting with Garrison, 54. Lyon, Nathaniel, 188. M McCrummil, James, 203. McCullough, John, 203. McKim, John, 203. Mace, Enoch, 203. Manumittal, arguments against, 34-35. Marshall, Tom, 70. Massachusetts Legislature and slavery, 105. May, Samuel J., 203. May, Rev. S. T., Recollections, 08. Mexican War, 44. Missouri, 157-185; Compromise, 6, 12, 139-140; admission to Union as slave State, 43; slavery contest, 67 ;andtheUnion, 159-160; Radicals, 159; Conservatives, 159; Charcoals, 159; Claybanks, 159; military control of, 163-166; guerrilla bands, 165; pacification of, 168; Radicals, opposition to Lincoln, in National Convention, 168-169; delegation to Lincoln, 169-17
remain at Eastville several days, waiting for Marshall and his boat to come over from the other side Some two or three months before, this man, Marshall, had owned a sloop, which he had used successthe shore in a smaller boat. Since that time Marshall had been pursuing his vocation with a sort of and sometimes a small cargo of merchandise. Marshall being an expert pilot and a thorough seaman, g that Webster left Cherrystone Lighthouse in Marshall's canoe, to make the voyage across the Chesapupon his arrival at Richmond. On starting, Marshall rowed off a short distance from the light-houh. Resolving, however, to make the effort, Marshall hoisted his sails, and as they rapidly filledpoint of light to leeward, and at once called Marshall's attention to it. It is a gunboat with a, further away, cried: Who's there? Marshall, with mail boat and passengers. Sentinel, rebel camp. Webster, with others, went to Marshall's shantya rude, wooden structure, which that [2 more...]
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Chapter 23: period of reconstruction (search)
ce of the chief executive might have been destroyed, while the character of the government itself would have been so changed as to become more like the revolutionary governments of Latin America than that established by Washington, Hamilton, and Marshall. See, Dewitt, Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson. From this time forth it may be truthfully said that Dana was the Sun, and the Sun Dana. He was the sole arbiter of its policy, and it was his constant practice to supervise every edie in the cabinet of Wade, in case that senator should be called upon to succeed President Johnson. But this is not all. When the public began to speculate on Grant's cabinet, Dana brought Greeley's name forward with those of E. B. Washburne and Marshall 0. Roberts, as in every way worthy of favorable consideration. Not satisfied with this, or fearing that Greeley would not be chosen, he set forth his special fitness for the position of minister to England, which has always been justly regarde
ding tribunal,—the Supreme Court of Mississippi,—adopting the same principle, has said: Slavery is condemned by reason, and the laws of nature. It exists and can exist only through municipal regulations.—(Harry v. Decker, Walker R. 42.) And another slave-holding tribunal,—the Supreme Court of Kentucky,— has said: We view this as a right existing by positive law of a municipal character, without foundation in the law of nature or the unwritten and common law.—(Rankin v. Lydia, 2 Marshall, 470.) Of course every power to uphold Slavery must have an origin as distinct as that of Slavery itself. Every presumption must be as strong against such a power as against Slavery. A power so peculiar and offensive—so hostile to reason—so repugnant to the law of nature and the inborn Rights of Man; which despoils its victims of the fruits of their labor; which substitutes concubinage for marriage; which abrogates the relation of parent and child; which, by a denial of educ
ding tribunal,—the Supreme Court of Mississippi,—adopting the same principle, has said: Slavery is condemned by reason, and the laws of nature. It exists and can exist only through municipal regulations.—(Harry v. Decker, Walker R. 42.) And another slave-holding tribunal,—the Supreme Court of Kentucky,— has said: We view this as a right existing by positive law of a municipal character, without foundation in the law of nature or the unwritten and common law.—(Rankin v. Lydia, 2 Marshall, 470.) Of course every power to uphold Slavery must have an origin as distinct as that of Slavery itself. Every presumption must be as strong against such a power as against Slavery. A power so peculiar and offensive—so hostile to reason—so repugnant to the law of nature and the inborn Rights of Man; which despoils its victims of the fruits of their labor; which substitutes concubinage for marriage; which abrogates the relation of parent and child; which, by a denial of educ
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Seventh: return to the Senate. (search)
ican statutes; for we have the positive and repeated averment of the Senator from Virginia [Mr. Mason], and also of other Senators, that in not a single State of the Union can any such statutes establishing Slavery be found. From none of these does it come. No, Sir, not from any land of Civilization is this Barbarism derived. It comes from Africa, ancient nurse of monsters,—from Guinea, Dahomey, and Congo. There is its origin and fountain. This benighted region, we are told by Chief-Justice Marshall in a memorable judgment, still asserts a right, discarded by Christendom, to enslave captives taken in war; and this African Barbarism is the beginning of American Slavery. The Supreme Court of Georgia, a Slave State, has not shrunk from this conclusion. Licensed to hold slave property, says the Court, the Georgia planter held the slave as a chattel, either directly from the slave trader or from those who held under him, and he from the slave-captor in Africa. The property of the
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