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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
f Governor Andrew, pp. 111-114. Gurowski in his diary, vol. III. pp. 69, 91, 358, names also Boutwell, Trumbull, Wilson, and W. D. Kelley as supporting the principles of the party rather than Mr. Lincoln. Greeley thought Mr. Lincoln already beaten, and that another ticket was necessary to save the cause from utter overthrow, naming three generals from whom a choice might be made,—Grant, Sherman, and Butler. Among others active in the movement were Richard Smith, the veteran editor, and Whitelaw Reid, both of Cincinnati. A large number of letters of public men written at the time to John Austin Stevens, and published in the New York Sun, June 30, 1889, throw light on the movement. Republican conferences were held in the city of New York for the purpose of making a change: one at D. D. Field's house, August 14, where representative men were present,—Greeley, Parke Godwin of the Evening Post, William Curtis Noyes, Henry Winter Davis, Dr. Lieber, Lieber wrote Sumner, September
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
reedmen's Bureau bill. There was the same hesitation among senators, all others holding back from comments on the message. Sumner, who had watched Mr. Johnson closely ever since he came to Washington to be inaugurated as Vice-President, was satisfied that he had taken an irrevocable step in antagonism to just measures of reconstruction—a conviction in which he proved wiser than his associates—and he felt that time should not be lost in making an appeal to the country. Two years later Whitelaw Reid (Agate), in a letter to the Cincinnati Gazette, dated March 3, 1868. referring to the scene in the Senate, recalled the profound surprise and even bitterness of feeling with which Sumner's remarks were received by senators who not long after led in hostile action against the President. According to the same writer, the sentiments of these senators prevailed at the time among Republican journals and leaders who were within the inner circles of the party. The day after the message ca
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
e of the dismissal being certain language of General Henderson, used by him in court, which the President deemed disrespectful to himself, though an offensive purpose was disavowed by the counsel. General Henderson has continued to hold a high place in his party, serving as president of the Republican national convention in 1884, and of the Pan-American Congress. An unfavorable view of Babcock is given by H. V. Boynton in the North American Review, October, 1876 (pp. 283-327), and by Whitelaw Reid in the New York Tribune, Feb. 17 and 23, 1876. (Compare the numbers of this journal for February 13. 14, 15, 16, 18, 21, 22, 24, 2.5, and 28.) These writers reflect on the President's support of Babcock, and his want of sympathy with the prosecution,—the Tribune saying, He is better fitted to rule an Asiatic kingdom than a free American people. Babcock was again indicted, April 16, 1876, in the District of Columbia, and this time on the charge of complicity with certain safe burglaries
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
fourteenth amendment and the suppression of the Ku-Klux clans. April 13. 1871 (Works, vol. XIV. pp. 277-282). The New York Evening Post, April 19, 1871, took exception to the centralizing drift of this speech. He renewed also the effort to bring forward his civil rights bill. March 9 and 17, 1871. Congressional Globe, pp. 21,144. His contention against the right of the Senate to hold in confinement recusant witnesses after final adjournment called out a grateful recognition from Whitelaw Reid and other journalists. May 18 and 27 (Works, vol. XIV. pp. 284-305). In this case Messrs. White and Ramsdell, having obtained and published a copy of the Treaty of Washington before its promulgation, refused to disclose by what means it was obtained. Other subjects to which the senator rave attention at this session were a bill for the relief of N. P. Trist, negotiator of the Treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, which he succeeded in carrying, Feb. 3, 14 (Congressional Globe, pp. 923, 1212
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
New York Tribune, with Horace Greeley and Whitelaw Reid editors, the Chicago Tribune, the Cincinnaoncert among the writers. Among them were Whitelaw Reid of the New York Tribune, Horace White of tpartisans in his removal from his committee. Mr. Reid wrote with much concern, March 28, on belalf for the Tribune to take a different tack. Mr. Reid had written, January 25, that Grant's name wa The artist delighted greatly in picturing Whitelaw Reid, or White-lie Reid, as he called him, in vReid, as he called him, in various unseemly attitudes. He placed Greeley, whose personal honesty was never questioned, again anew York Tribune's leader (probably written by Mr. Reid) began thus: We are not sure that our greatespeech in the Senate, was warmly praised by Whitelaw Reid in leaders in the New York Tribune. Sution of his poems had been prompted by Sumner. Reid's Life of Lord Houghton, Sumner made a visiumner's treatment of the same subject. and Whitelaw Reid, minister to France, and Republican candid[1 more...]
John Dimitry , A. M., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 10.1, Louisiana (ed. Clement Anselm Evans), Chapter 16: (search)
oh was in date the first. Johnston had fallen in the arms of victory. Had he lived until sundown the army would not only have fought enthusiastically under his ably-conceived plan, but would have victoriously carried it to the end contemplated by him. That order to advance, looked for, but not received, would have been caught up by men flushed with victory, standing expectantly around Prentiss' camp. Grant's men, lying listless by the river where they had fallen in their fatigue, Whitelaw Reid's letter to the Cincinnati Commercial. would have been captured on the southern bank of the Tennessee. With the capture of his army, General Grant would have been in danger of suffering military eclipse. He would have found his name, assailed through the Northern press, linked to a great disaster rather than to a victory snatched by reinforcements from defeat. He would not have sat before Vicksburg or offered, as victor, an ultimatum; nor, indeed, would his have been the dogging of g
John Dimitry , A. M., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 10.1, Louisiana (ed. Clement Anselm Evans), Biographical. (search)
. At the beginning of the civil war he entered the army of the Confederate States as colonel of the Third Louisiana infantry, which was a well-drilled and well-equipped organization made up chiefly of men from the northern part of the State, and was placed in the brigade of Gen. Ben McCulloch. In the battle of Wilson's Creek it was McCulloch's command that encountered Sigel. General McCulloch in his report of the fight with Sigel says: When we arrived near the enemy's battery we found that Reid's battery had opened upon it, and it was already in confusion. Advantage was taken of it and soon the Louisianians were gallantly charging among the guns, and swept the cannoneers away. Five guns were here taken. On the 7th of March, 1862, at the battle of Pea Ridge, while Mc-Culloch and McIntosh were leading a charge which at first promised success, they were suddenly struck in flank by an overwhelming force of the enemy. McCulloch and McIntosh were killed, and Hebert with a number of hi
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