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John G. Nicolay, The Outbreak of Rebellion, Index. (search)
utler, General B. F., 92 et seq., 108 C. Cabinet, decision of, with regard to Fort Sumter, 51 Cadwalader, General, 157 Cairo, 128, 132, 134 Campbell, Justice, 54; his treachery, 35, 57, 69 Carrick's Ford, 152 et seq. Case, General, Secretary of State, 24; resigns, 26; supports the Union cause, 76 Centreville, Va., 177 Charleston, S. C., situation of, 20, 79 Cheat River, 146, 152 Chinn House, the, 194 Chambersburg, Pa., 156 Cincinnati, 132, 140 Clay, Henry, 127 Cobb, Secretary, Howell, 12, 17, 20, 26, 42 Cockeysville, 90 Columbia, District of, 83 Columbus, 134 et seq. Confederacy, Southern, first formal proposal of, 26; established, 41; military resources of, 79; sends diplomatic agents to Europe, 79; natural resources of, 81 Confederates resolve to begin the war, 60 Constitution of the Confederate States adopted, 41 Cox, General J. D., 154 Crawford, Commissioner, 57 Crittenden, John J., 76 Cub Run, 200 Cu
. He was a working member; but, I think, believed it his destiny to attain distinction at some future day. There was always something lofty about his bearing, for his was the natural dignity which cannot brook familiarity. An instance of this latter peculiarity, which occurred very soon after our arrival, always provoked a smile. One of the Senators from Mississippi, Mr. Jesse Speight, was a singularly handsome man, and no respecter of persons. He did not hesitate to call Mr. Cass or Mr. Clay to his seat if he wished to speak with them. They all liked him, and came with an indulgent smile. Two or three times he had called my husband from home at quite a late hour to confer with him on some subject which could have been postponed. At last, one snowy morning, at about eight o'clock, a note was handed in at our door, Come over. Speight. To which Mr. Davis made answer, Can't. Davis. It was taken, however, in good-humor by the Senator, and never mentioned w
derous tome, until sometimes, especially when Mr. Clay was speaking, breast high before him on his dd be disputed in the facts arrayed. But when Mr. Clay confronted him, it was Worth ten years of peaeference to the past, that stung and clung to Mr. Clay until he was trembling with fury, he would sid of offence and in charity with all men. Mr. Clay, who was a very impressive man, but not of thtle more ballast, and as he rose out of reach Mr. Clay would pour out a tide of keen, gentlemanly in Southern State, full of ardent affection for Mr. Clay, interrupted him just as he was bearing down in splendid style upon his antagonist, and Mr. Clay spoke aloud, Sit down, sir, I can defend myself;e audience was with the Southern Senator, and Mr. Clay lost his point. While Mr. Benton would be in full career demolishing some lesser man, Mr. Clay would cast a meaning look at him, and in a staarp and woof of it, Mr. Benton would weave in Mr. Clay, who, always lance in hand, pushed on to the
utenant Pope, who was conspicuous in the late war on the Union side. Among the officers whom we saw riding over the field were General Wool, Colonel Davis, Colonel Henry Clay, and Major Bliss, who was Assistant Adjutant-General of the army, and others. They were engaged in noting the topography of the field until dark and after. same ship with the Second Kentucky Infantry, for New Orleans, which port they reached June 9th. They bore with them the remains of Colonel McKee, and Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Clay, one of Colonel Davis's friends at West Point. The New Orleans Picayune of June 9th said: It is in no invidious spirit that the Mississippi Voluntenorable wounds; but Davis and McClung yet live to cheer their hearts and received with them the reward of daring and brilliant actions. Colonel McKee and Lieutenant-Colonel Clay (Second Kentucky) came not at all. In the Picayune of June 11th I find this notice of the ceremonies: Yesterday was a day devoted by our citizens to th
oon subsequently to be, famous, were Davis, Calhoun, Clay, Webster, Benton, Corwin, Cass, Fillmore, Johnson, Sand Pierre Soule. It was to this Congress that Mr. Clay presented his famous compromise resolutions, whichsed resolutions in favor of the Wilmot Proviso. Clay, says his ablest biographer, was at heart in favor o and constitutional equality with the North; while Mr. Clay declared, on the contrary, that the South ought tot our hand. If, as the Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Clay) intimates, those opinions in relation to African y the feelings to which the Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Clay) has so eloquently alluded, and to which undoubtedories were referred to a select committee of which Mr. Clay was chairman. From this counsellor emanated the bning them was at its highest, I, one day, overtook Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, and Mr. Berrien, of Georgia, in the which Mr. Webster had delivered his great speech. Mr. Clay, addressing me in the friendly manner which he had
years this was a subject of angry debate and sustained struggle. Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, when he saw the intense excitement over the Sectionarginia and in the South, who interrogated him on this subject: Mr. Clay is credited with the paternity of the so-called Missouri Compromis the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific Ocean, and claimed of Mr. Clay that consistency required of him to vote with me on that question,ppily, however, the Southern men were not united in their policy. Mr. Clay's influence carried off a part of them, under the idea that a compose were not derived, and could not be, from the Constitution. Mr. Clay was violently opposed to the extension of slavery, and he had his In the midst of this excited feeling throughout both sections, Mr. Clay conceived the idea of getting a joint committee of Senate and Housways spoken of as the Omnibus bill by members of either house. Mr. Clay's resolution set forth: That, as slavery does not exist by
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1, Chapter 40: social relations and incidents of Cabinet life, 1853-57. (search)
te from my husband begging that the family might have an early dinner, a dollar be given to each of the children, and the butler be sent to pay their passage home and see them off safely on the train. This was not an isolated instance; for hundreds could be cited of his tender consideration for the helpless or sorrowful people who came to him. I once became very tired of the visits of a poor little dwarfish insane man, known in Washington for having expressed his intention to murder Mr. Clay. This little outcast came very often to see and levy upon Mr. Davis for contributions, and I said, I do not know how you can bear with him, he is so intrusive. He looked troubled and said, Perhaps if he were agreeable he would not care to call so often it is a dreadful fate to be distraught and friendless. When the poor man was troublesome to others, and after he had been committed to the insane asylum, my husband sent supplies of letter paper and envelopes to him in order that he might
ight of property in slaves. Mr. Davis, in 1886, wrote on this subject to a friend: In 1860, Mr. Douglas, as chairman of the Senate Committee on Territories, introduced a number of bills which were referred to a select committee, of which Mr. Clay was chairman. These bills, with little modification, were united and reported as what is familiarly known as the Omnibus Bill. Your compliment to Mr. Clay on page eleven is, I believe, just in so far as his influence secured the passage of thMr. Clay on page eleven is, I believe, just in so far as his influence secured the passage of the bills, the result which was otherwise doubtful. I opposed the measure with all the power I possessed, and after my return to Mississippi, advised the protest and such action as the united South might take to secure then a settlement which would guarantee our constitutional rights, and in many speeches stated the belief that if the occasion was allowed to pass, any future assertion of our rights must be written in blood. The lease it gave was, as you say, of short duration, because it was
. Telegraphic intelligence of the secession of Mississippi had reached Washington some considerable time before the fact was officially communicated to me. This official knowledge I considered it proper to await before taking formal leave of the Senate. My associates from Alabama and Florida concurred in this view. Accordingly, having received notification of the secession of these three States about the same time, on January 21st, Messrs. Yulee and Mallory, of Florida, Fitzpatrick and Clay, of Alabama, and myself, announced the withdrawal of the States from which we were respectively accredited, and took leave of the Senate at the same time. In the action which she then took, Mississippi certainly had no purpose to levy war against the United States, or any of them. As her senator, I endeavored plainly to state her position in the annexed remarks addressed to the Senate in taking leave of the body: I rise, Mr. President, for the purpose of announcing to the Senate th
the spirits, which had apparently assembled to convince him of their power, gave visible tokens of their displeasure at the President's absence, by pinching Mr. Stanton's ears and twitching Mr. Welles's beard. He soon returned, but it was some time before harmony was restored, for the mishaps to the secretaries caused such bursts of laughter that the influence was very unpropitious. For some half-hour the demonstrations were of a physical character — tables were moved, and the picture of Henry Clay, which hangs on the wall, was swayed more than a foot, and two candelabras, presented by the Dey of Algiers to President Adams, were twice raised nearly to the ceiling. It was nearly nine o'clock before Shockle was fully under spiritual influence, and so powerful were the subsequent manifestations, that twice during the evening restoratives were applied, for he was much weakened; and though I took no notes, I shall endeavor to give you as faithful an account as possible of what took pla
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