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nner of imposing it greatly inspired alarm. While the act was in abeyance, Hutchinson had, in letters to England, pleaded for the ancient privilege of the coloniesich the colonies were to pay, and which as yet were not half provided for. Hutchinson to I. Williams, 26 April 1775. Openly espousing the defence of the act as legally right, Hutchinson to Richard Jackson, 30 Aug. 1765. in his charges, as Chief Justice, he admonished the jurors and people of the several counties to obey. Hutchinson to Secretary of State, 10 Oct. 1765. Nor did the result seem doubtful. There could be no danger but from union; and no two colonies, said he, think alike;could be expected; it leaves no room for evasion, and will execute itself. Hutchinson to a friend, 4 March, 1765: to R. Jackson, 5 May, 4 and 5 June, 1765. Yetthem with the diffidence and want of spirit in the petition which the arts of Hutchinson had prevailed on the legislature of Massachusetts Bay to accept. They were e
ffected. Letter of J. Adams. Boston Gazette. Hutchinson. Hist. III. Every where, from North to South—thron Gazette. N. Y. Gazette. Hopkins's Grievances. Hutchinson's Correspondence. R. R. Livingston's Corresponderogative court to be forfeited without a jury? Hutchinson's Correspondence. Boston Gazette. There is nand render us a great, rich, and happy people. Hutchinson's History. Pa. Gaz. N. Y. Gaz. Boston Gaz. Sharp Boston Gaz. Otis's Considerations. N. Y. Gaz. Hutchinson's Correspondence. Power is a sad thing, said act of parliament against common law is void. Hutchinson's Correspondence. Thus opinion was echoed fro, who had knowingly sold his lands twice over. Hutchinson to Gov. Pownall, 10 July, 1765. In this way, the rd of Trade branded it as mutinous. Bladen, in Hutchinson, III. 109. Massachusetts had proceeded cautiouslyers who were friends to government. Bladen, in Hutchinson, III. 109. Virginia was ready to convince the
acle, and their report collected thousands. Hutchinson, as chief justice, ordered the sheriff to reminded, we will die upon the place first. Hutchinson's Ms. Narrative. Bernard to Lords of Trade, said he, are in the mob. With the sheriff, Hutchinson went up to disperse the crowd. Stand by, mycried a ringleader; let no man give way; and Hutchinson, as he fled, was obliged to run the gauntlet We have a dismal prospect before us, said Hutchinson, the next morning, anticipating tragical eve of the Stamp Act, and we will be easy. But Hutchinson evaded a reply. The governor, just beforef the rioters. If discovery were made, said Hutchinson, it would not be possible to commit them. Tstrust of the people fell more and more upon Hutchinson.—He is a prerogative man, they cried. He grficers of the crown were terror-stricken. Hutchinson to R. Jackson, 30 Aug. 1765. The Attorney-Ge left their houses and removed their goods. Hutchinson fled to the castle, wretched from anxiety an[5 more...]
outh, from the Board of Trade, adopting the worst measure of corruption, which Grenville had firmly resisted, proposed to make the government of a province independent of the provincial legislature for its support. Representation of Lords of Trade to the king, 27 Sept. 1765. Every thing implied confidence in the obe- chap XVII.} 1765. Sept. dience of the colonies. And yet the tide of opinion in America was swelling and becoming irresistible. To the north and to the southward, said Hutchinson, the people are absolutely without the use of reason. A majority in every colony was resolved to run all hazards rather than submit. When they were asked, What will you do after the first of November? Do? they replied, do as we did before. Will you violate the law of parliament? The Stamp Act, repeated every one over and over, is against Magna Charta, and Lord Coke says, an act of parliament against Magna Charta is for that reason void. In a more solemn tone, the convictions and p
of the constitution, their minds may, in time, become disaffected. In addition to this state paper, which was the imprint; of the mind of Samuel Adams, Not of Otis. The paper has not the style of Otis, and does not express his opinions. Besides; he was absent from Boston from the delivery of Bernard's speech till after the reply was made, performing his duty at New-York, as a member of Congress. The paper has the style of S. Adams, and expresses his sentiments exactly. Moreover, Hutchinson names him. Bernard's letters point to him, without naming him. The lead of the committee was Samuel Dexter, who had the greatest regard for Samuel Adams. J. Adams: Works, II. 163, 181. and had the vigor and polished elegance of his style, the house adopted the best, and the best digested series of resolves, prepared by him, to ascertain the just rights of the province, which the preamble said had been lately drawn into question by the British parliament. The answer of the house was reg
ionate calmness, it was announced that the right to tax Americans could never be given up; and that a suspension was the most that could be expected. Letter from London of 14 Dec. 1765, in Boston Gazette, 24 Feb. 1766. Compare T. Pownall to Hutchinson, 3 Dec. 1765, and a letter of Franklin of 6 Jan. 1766. The successive accounts from America grieved the king more and more. Where this spirit will end, said he, is not to be said. It is undoubtedly the most serious matter that ever came bur, that the shutting of them was not only a very great grievance, requiring immediate redress, but dangerous to his majesty's crown. Bernard, who consulted in secret a select council, unknown to the law, in which the principal advisers were Hutchinson and Oliver, wished that the system of Grenville, which brought money into the British exchequer without advantage to the officers of the crown, might be abandoned for his favorite plan of the establishment of a colonial civil list by parliament
h of February, the patriots of Norwich welcomed the plan; while, on the next day, a convention of almost all the towns of Litchfield county resolved that the Stamp Act was unconstitutional, null, and void, and that business of all kinds should go on as usual. Then, too, the hum of domestic industry was heard more and more: young women would get together, and merrily and emulously drive the spinning wheel from sunrise till dark; and every day the humor spread for being clad in homespun. Hutchinson's Corr. 8 March, 1766. Cheered by the zeal of New England, the Sons of Liberty of New-York, under the lead of Isaac Sears and John Lamb, sent circular letters as far as South Carolina, inviting to the formation of a permanent continental union. Gordon, i. 199. But the summons was not waited for. The people of South Carolina grew more and more hearty against the Act. We are a very weak province, reasoned Christopher Gadsden, From an autograph letter of Christopher Gadsden to
ty; and he uttered the new war-cry of the world—freedom AND chap. XXIV.} 1766. Mar. equality. Joseph Warren to Edmund Dana, 19 March, 1766. Death, said he, with all its tortures, is preferable to slavery. The thought of independence, said Hutchinson despondingly, has entered the heart of America. Hutchinson to Thomas Pownail, March, 1766. Virginia had kindled the flame; Virginia had now the honor, by the hand of one of her sons, to close the discussion, by embodying, authoritativelyHutchinson to Thomas Pownail, March, 1766. Virginia had kindled the flame; Virginia had now the honor, by the hand of one of her sons, to close the discussion, by embodying, authoritatively, in calm and dignified, though in somewhat pedantic language, the sentiments which the contest had ripened. It was Richard Bland, An inquiry into the right of the British Colonies, &c.; No date, but compare resolutions of the Sons of Liberty at Norfolk Court House, 31 March, 1766. of the Ancient Dominion, who, through the press, claimed freedom from all parliamentary legislation; and pointed to independence as the remedy for a refusal of redress. He derived the English constitution from An
passion, and measures were put in train for their relief. Then the inhabitants, by the hand of Samuel Adams, made their touching appeal to all the sister colonies, promising to suffer for America with a becoming fortitude, confessing that singly they might find their trial too severe, and entreating not to be left to struggle alone, when the very being of every colony, considered as a free people, depended upon the event. On the seventeenth of May, Gage, who had remained four days with Hutchinson at Castle William, landed at Long Wharf amidst salutes from ships and batteries. Received by the council and civil officers, he was escorted by the Boston Cadets, under Hancock, to the State House, where the council presented a loyal address, and his commission was proclaimed with three volleys of musketry and as many cheers. He then partook of a public dinner in Faneuil Hall. A hope still lingered that relief might come through his intercession. But Gage was neither fit to recon- Ch
reated Massachusetts to fix the place and time for its meeting. At Boston, the agents and supporters of the British ministers strove to bend the firmness of its people by holding up to the tradesmen the grim picture of misery and want, while Hutchinson promised to obtain in England a restoration of trade if the town would but pay the first cost of the tea. Before his departure, one hundred and twenty-three merchants and others of Boston clandestinely addressed him, lamenting the loss of so goeedy relief; but at a full meeting of merchants and Chap. II.} 1774. May. traders the address was disclaimed. Thirty-three citizens of Marblehead, who signed a similar paper, brought upon themselves the public reprobation of their townsmen. Hutchinson had merited in civil cases the praise of an impartial judge; twenty-four lawyers, including judges of admiralty and attorneys of the crown, subscribed an extravagant panegyric of his general character and conduct; but those who, for learning an
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