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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
being twenty-one years of age and citizens, or was in any way abridged except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. This provision, with some variations, was the same as was proposed by Stevens at the beginning of the session, and later offered with some change of phraseology by Spalding, Blaine, Conkling, and Schenck, and was at last reported by the reconstruction committee. Sumner referred, Feb. 8, 1869 (Congressional Globe, p. 1003), to the different forms of the proposed amendment, and his objections to them. It failed in the Senate, but finally prevailed after it had been recast by the committee. The idea of the provision in its different forms was to make it for the interest of the former slave States to confer suffrage on the colored people by diminishing their represent
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?1866-1867. (search)
he House, under Stevens's lead, carried a bill which divided those States into military districts, put them under military authority, set up military tribunals, and forbade all interference with proceedings under the Act by the pretended State governments organized by the President. The purely military character of the measure, opening no way to the restoration of civil authority, was unsatisfactory to many members, but the previous question shut off amendments. One of these members was Mr. Blaine, who sought to put into the bill a provision admitting to representation any of the States which accepted the fourteenth amendment and established impartial suffrage. Feb. 12, 13. 1867. Congressional Globe, pp. 1182, 1213. The Senate, which began to consider the bill February 15, passed most of the night in an earnest debate, not adjourning till 3 A. M. J. S Pike in the New York Tribune, Feb. 21, 1867, gives an account of the differences between the two houses. There was even a grea
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
, 1867. He had on well known occasions turned the House into a bear-garden, finally provoking Mr. Blaine to speak of his cheap swagger, his haughty disdain, his grandiloquent swell, his majestic, supbler strut. Debate, April 24, 25, and 30, 1866. Congressional Globe, pp. 2152. 2180, 2299. Mr. Blaine in his speech refers to want of courage shown by Conkling in the Thirty-seventh Congress. It orters on the count of the electoral vote of New York against his old antagonist in the House, Mr. Blaine. Conkling was antipathetic to Sumner, as any one who knew the two men might expect he wouldSumner took notice of these personal thrusts, and replied with dignity and calmness, although Mr. Blaine's style of treating such an antagonist would have been more effective. He said:— Mr. Prct. The Republicans have never counted the attempted impeachment among their achievements. Mr. Blaine, who as a member of the House voted for the proceeding, has treated it as unwise in his Twenty
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
account may be found in his speeches, Dec. 21, 1870, Works, vol. XIV. pp. 125, 126; Congressional Globe, p. 253; March 28, 1871, Globe, App. p. 45. Letter to Speaker Blaine, Aug. 5, 1872, Works, vol. XV. p. 200. Address, Sept. 3, 1872, Ibid., p. 218. He affirmed afterwards that his reply was precise, and that the language was fidid in removing the relics of slavery and protecting the freedmen. He had no personal grievance of any kind against his party or its representative leaders. Mr. Blaine states erroneously, but without specifying, that Sumner had some personal grievance against General Grant (Twenty Years of Congress, vol. II. p. 461); but the e same month in which it was rejected did all he could to dissuade Sumner from opposing it. Not till that interview, at least, was all hope of success given up. Mr. Blaine states that the rejection was to the President's utter surprise. (Twenty Years in Congress, vol. II. p. 459) Senator Howe, who had supported the treaty, a
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
ded Hayti; but Mr. Fish declined to give it. His estimates of the capacities of the territory were wildly extravagant. Blaine's Twenty Years in Congress, vol. II. p. 459. Its acquisition would in his view reduce our imports by one hundred millionttee think of this first response to their deed of shame? A leader of the party, destined to be its foremost leader, Mr. Blaine, then Speaker of the House, on a careful review of the debate and the reasons assigned, put on record at a later periodre present. The House having adjourned in expectation of the speech, its members thronged the aisles; and its Speaker, Mr. Blaine, sat by the side of the Vice-President. For descriptions of the scene see New York Tribune, March 31; New York Herallf. Sumner had, however, made no charges of corruption against him, but had again and again disclaimed making them. Mr. Blaine says in his history that Sumner had not imputed, as General Grant assumed, any personal corruption to him. Twenty Year
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
nguage recalling a similar description of the New York senator by Mr. Blaine some years before in the House. Ante, pp. 348-350. After this ththe managers, the editor, and the artist were all arrayed against Mr. Blaine, the Republican candidate, taking then Sumner's position of disset from their own party. Harper's Weekly approved, Aug. 24, 1872, Blaine's criticism of Sumner's course. Sumner had been preparing for sal, Dec. 30, 1872. It brought also reproaches from old comrades. Mr. Blaine, Speaker of the House, addressed at once an open letter to Sumnery replied August 5; Works, vol. XV. pp. 196-201. The reply to Mr. Blaine brought an approving letter from Rev. A. Toomer Porter, of Charleiven in the New York World, July 12. in a caustic vein, saying to Mr. Blaine at the outset, that, serving in the fellowship of men devoted to n rebels in arms, was in 1884 a potent influence in the defeat of Mr. Blaine. Grant is not reported to have spoken unkindly of Sumner after
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 59: cordiality of senators.—last appeal for the Civil-rights bill. —death of Agassiz.—guest of the New England Society in New York.—the nomination of Caleb Cushing as chief-justice.—an appointment for the Boston custom-house.— the rescinding of the legislative censure.—last effort in debate.—last day in the senate.—illness, death, funeral, and memorial tributes.—Dec. 1, 1873March 11, 1874. (search)
and G. F. Hoar and Mr. Schurz heard in the morning of their friend's condition, and came at once. At the bedside, serving as friendly nurses, were Wormley and G. T. Downing, both of the race whose champion he had been; and bending over him was his faithful secretary, Johnson, who was with him to the last. At hand through the day, except in brief absences, and often in his room, were H. L. Pierce, Judge Hoar, Schurz, Hooper, and Poore. Many waited in the study,—among whom were observed Mr. Blaine (the Speaker), Senators Morrill of Vermont and Windom, Montgomery Blair, and Frederick Douglass; and in the same room the chaplain of the Senate read passages from the fourteenth chapter of Saint John's Gospel, and offered a prayer. To Johnson and the two colored friends, who were raising him and changing his position, the senator expressed regret for the trouble he was giving them, saying to his secretary, You must be very tired; but you can soon rest. To Judge Hoar who, while chafing h
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 18 (search)
s was so manifestly desirable as Miss Seward represents, how does it happen that no one at Washington or among the people during the twenty years since Mr. Seward left office has said a word to revive the scheme? A good thing does not die so easily; there will always be true men and wise men to appreciate what is of enduring value. We have since had six Presidents,—Grant, Hayes, Garfield, Arthur, Cleveland, and Harrison,—and, not counting Washburne, five Secretaries of State,—Fish, Evarts, Blaine, Frelinghuysen, and Bayard; but none of them has coveted this island of the Caribbean Sea, rifted by earthquakes, swept by cyclones, and submerged by tidal waves, the imagined centre of universal commerce and a necessary outpost for our national defence! Journalists and merchants have been alike silent. Foreign nations who were suspected to be greedy spectators have turned away from the prize. St. Thomas remains still a Danish spinster, as she has been for two hundred years, unwedded and <
t in Congress eight years, rendering valuable and important services. In the Forty-third Congress, his first, he joined in the memorable struggle under Samuel J. Randall, for two days and two nights, against the passage of a force bill. In the Forty-fourth, under Democratic control, he was chairman of the committee on revolutionary pensions, second on the judiciary committee, member of other committees, and as chairman of the sub-committee which investigated the famous charges against James G. Blaine, demonstrated his ability and fairness, and had occasion to encounter the highly gifted Republican leader in the committee room and on the floor of the House, and always with credit. During the proceedings in Congress which followed the contested election of Samuel J. Tilden, General Hunton was a member of the special committee that framed the electoral commission bill, but refused his signature to the report until the last moment. He was elected one of the five who represented the Ho
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 25. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.20 (search)
y. To know him was to love and venerate him. To have known him and to have enjoyed his friendship and confidence till the hour of his death, I shall always count as a privilege, and a most precious remembrance. To the rear of the present hall of the House of Representatives at Washington, there is a long gallery in which are hung up the portraits of all the illustrious men who have been the Speakers of the body. There you see Henry Clay, Cobb, Andrew Stevenson, Polk, Kerr, Randall, James G. Blaine, and the present able occupant of the chair, Mr. Reed. There, too, you see the youthful, almost boyish, face of Speaker R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, ingenuous, open, true and strong—there is no dark shadow on that brow, no wrinkle written by sorrow and care, but rather the light of hope and of a confident, brave soul. To me, as I wander there and involuntarily turn my gaze upon it, there is hardly anything more touching than to contrast, as I must, this portrait with the saddened, me
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