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M. Tullius Cicero, Orations, for Quintius, Sextus Roscius, Quintus Roscius, against Quintus Caecilius, and against Verres (ed. C. D. Yonge) 202 0 Browse Search
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T. Maccius Plautus, Menaechmi, or The Twin Brothers (ed. Henry Thomas Riley) 16 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Aristotle, Politics. You can also browse the collection for Syracuse (Italy) or search for Syracuse (Italy) in all documents.

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Aristotle, Politics, Book 1, section 1255b (search)
ent of a household is monarchy （since every house is governed by a single ruler）,whereas statesmanship is the government of men free and equal. The term ‘master’ therefore denotes the possession not of a certain branch of knowledge but of a certain character, and similarly also the terms ‘slave’ and ‘freeman.’ Yet there might be a science of mastership and a slave's science—the latter being the sort of knowledge that used to be imparted by the professor at Syracuse （for there used to be a man there who for a fee gave lessons to servants in their ordinary duties）; and indeed there might be more advanced scientific study of such matters, for instance a science of cookery and the other such kinds of domestic service—for different servants have different functions, some more honorable and some more menial, and as the proverb says, Slave before slave and master before master.Probably from a comedy of Aristot
Aristotle, Politics, Book 1, section 1259a (search)
nters he was the only seller, though he did not greatly raise the price, but all the same he made a profit of a hundred talentsThe talent was about 240 pounds. on his capital of fifty. When DionysiusDionysius the elder, tyrant of Syracuse 405-367 B.C. came to know of it he ordered the man to take his money with him but clear out of Syracuse on the spot,cf. Thucydides oi( d' ou)ke/ti e)/meinan a)lla\ . . . since he was inventing means of profit detrimeSyracuse on the spot,cf. Thucydides oi( d' ou)ke/ti e)/meinan a)lla\ . . . since he was inventing means of profit detrimental to the tyrant's own affairs. Yet really this device is the same as the discovery of Thales, for both men alike contrived to secure themselves a monopoly. An acquaintance with these devices is also serviceable for statesmen, for many states need financial aid and modes of revenue like those described, just as a household may, but in greater degree; hence some statesmen even devote their political activity exclusively to finance. And since, as we saw,2 init. the
Aristotle, Politics, Book 3, section 1286b (search)
e who may be unwilling to obey, or if not, how is it possible for him to administer his office? For even if he were a law-abiding sovereign and never acted according to his own will against the law, nevertheless it would be essential for him to have power behind him whereby to safeguard the laws. Probably therefore it is not difficult to define the regulations for a king of this sort: he must have a force of his own, but the force must be only so large as to be stronger than a single individual or even several individuals banded together, but weaker than the multitude, on the principle on which the men of old times used to assign bodyguards whenever they appointed somebody as what they termed aesymnetes or tyrant‘Or tyrant’ looks like an incorrect note, see 1285b 25. of the state, and also, when DionysiusSee 1259a 39 n. asked for his guards, somebody advised him to give the same number of guards to the citizens of Syracuse
Aristotle, Politics, Book 5, section 1302b (search)
when those who have no share in the government are more numerous （for they think themselves the stronger party）, and in democracies when the rich have begun to feel contempt for the disorder and anarchy that prevails, as for example at Thebes the democracy was destroyed owing to bad government after the battle of Oenophyta,Against Athens, 456 B.C. and that of the Megarians was destroyed when they had been defeated owing to disorder and anarchy,See 1300a 18 n. and at Syracuse before the tyranny485 B.C. of Gelo, and at RhodesSee 1302b 23 n. the common people had fallen into contempt before the rising against them. Revolutions in the constitutions also take place on account of disproportionate growth; for just as the bodyIt is not clear whether what follows refers to a work of art （cf. 1284b 8） or is an exaggerated account of a disease; Galen describes one called saturi/asis, in which the bones of the temple swell out like satyrs'
Aristotle, Politics, Book 5, section 1303b (search)
o cause division. Thus perhaps the greatest division is that between virtue and vice, next that between wealth and poverty, and so with other differences in varying degree, one of which is the one mentioned.i.e. difference of locality. Factions arise therefore not about but out of small matters; but they are carried on about great matters. And even the small ones grow extremely violent when they spring up among men of the ruling class,as happened for example at Syracuse in ancient times. For the constitution underwent a revolution as a result of a quarrel that arosePerhaps under the oligarch of the Gamori, overthrown by the people and followed by Gelo's tyranny, 485 B.C. between two young men, who belonged to the ruling class, about a love affair. While one of them was abroad the other who was his comrade won over the youth with whom he was in love, and the former in his anger against him retaliated by persuading his wife to
Aristotle, Politics, Book 5, section 1304a (search)
Council on the Areopagus having risen in reputation during the Persian wars was believed to have made the constitution more rigid, and then again the naval multitude, having been the cause of the victory off Salamis and thereby of the leadership of Athens due to her power at sea, made the democracy stronger; and at Argos the notables having risen in repute in connection with the battle against the Spartans at Mantinea took in hand to put down the people; and at Syracuse the people having been the cause of the victory in the war against Athens made a revolution from constitutional government to democracy; and at Chalcis the people with the aid of the notables overthrew the tyrant PhoxusUnknown. and then immediately seized the government; and again at Ambracia similarly the people joined with the adversaries of the tyrant Periander in expelling him and then brought the government round to themselves.580 B.C; cf. 1311a 39 ff.
Aristotle, Politics, Book 5, section 1306a (search)
（as Hipparinus put forward DionysiusSee 1259a 29 n. at Syracuse, and at AmphipolisSee 1303b 2 n. a man named Cleotimus led the additional settlers that came from Chalcis and on their arrival stirred them up to sedition against the wealthy, and in Aegina the man who carried out the transactions with Chares attempted to cause a revolution in the constitution for a reason of this sorti.e. he had squandered his fortune in riotous living; this deal with the Athenian general may have been in 367 B.C.）; so sometimes they attempt at once to introduce some reform, at other times they rob the public funds and in consequence either they or those who fight against them in their peculations stir up faction against the government, as happened at Apollonia on the Black Sea. On the other hand, harmonious oligarchy does not easily cause its own destruction; and an indication of this is the constitutional government at Pharsalus, for th
Aristotle, Politics, Book 5, section 1307a (search)
cy and an aristocracy to oligarchy, or to the opposite extremes, that is, aristocracy to democracy （for the poorer people feeling they are unjustly treated pull it round to the opposite） and constitutional governments to oligarchy （for the only lasting thing is equality in accordance with desert and the possession of what is their own）. And the change mentionedi.e. from aristocracy to democracy. Possibly these events occurred after the defeat of Athens at Syracuse in 413 B.C., when the Athenian party at Thurii was banished （Lysias 835 D）. The events in 8 were perhaps in the fourth century. came about at Thurii, for because the property-qualification for honors was too high, the constitution was altered to a lower property-qualification and to a larger number of official posts, but because the notables illegally bought up the whole of the land （for the constitution was too oligarchical, so that they were able to g
Aristotle, Politics, Book 5, section 1310b (search)
e one set of cases and of their honorable office in the other, for example Phidon in ArgosPerhaps circa 750 B.C. and others became tyrants when they possessed royal power already, while the Ionian tyrantse.g. Thrasybulus, tyrant of Miletus, 612 B.C. and PhalarisTyrant of Agrigentum 572 B.C. arose from offices of honor, and Panaetius at Leontini and Cypselus at Corinth and PisistratusSee 1305a 23 n. at Athens and DionysiusSee 1259a 28 n. at Syracuse and others in the same manner from the position of demagogue. Therefore, as we said, royalty is ranged in correspondence with aristocracy, for it goes by merit, either by private virtue or by family or by services or by a combination of these things and ability. For in every instance this honor fell to men after they had conferred benefit or because they had the ability to confer benefit on their cities or their nations, some having prevented their enslavement
Aristotle, Politics, Book 5, section 1312a (search)
as somebody killed SardanapallusLast king of the Assyrian empire at Nineveh. when he saw him combing his hair with his women （if this story told by the narrators of legends is true—and if it did not happen with Sardanapallus, it might quite well be true of somebody else）, and Dion attacked the younger DionysiusTyrant of Syracuse 367-356 and 346-343 B.C., cf. 1312a 34 ff. because he despised him, when he saw the citizens despising him and the king himself always drunk. And contempt has led some even of the friends of monarchs to attack them, for they despise them for trusting them and think they will not be found out. And contempt is in a manner the motive of those who attack monarchs thinking that they are able to seize the government; for they make the attempt with a light heart, feeling that they have the power and because of their power despising the danger, as generals commanding the armies attack their monarchs; for instance <
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