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Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVI, Chapter 90 (search)
rne out in the presence of all the people the following decree was proclaimed by that Demetrius who had the most powerful voice of all the criers of his timeNepos Timoleon 5.4. Plut. Timoleon 39.1-3, gives the same text of the decree except at the end, where instead of mentioning freedom, he has: "he restored their laws to the Syracusans." These threefold agones were the highest form of "heroic" honours; cp. C. Habicht, Gottmenschentum und griechische Städte (1956), p. 150.: "The people of Syracuse have voted to bury this Timoleon son of Timaenetus, of Corinth, at a cost of two hundred minas, and to honour him to the end of time with musical, equestrian, and gymnastic games, because he destroyed the tyrants, defeated the barbarians, and resettled the mightiest of Greek cities, and so became the author of freedom for the Greeks of Sicily." In this year, also, Ariobarzanes died after ruling for twenty-six years and Mithridates, s
Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVI, Chapter 95 (search)
cause of the extent of his kingdom had made himself a throned companion of the twelve gods.The implication of this claim on Philip's part was that he was in some fashion the equal of the Twelve and entitled like them to worship; su/nqronos is an equivalent to su/nnaos. What precisely this meant to Philip and his contemporaries is unknown; cp. Habicht, Gottmenschentum, 14, note 3; L. Cerfaux, J. Tondriau, Le Culte des souverains dans la civilisation gréco-romaine (1956), 123-125. He had ruled twenty-four years. He is known to fame as one who with but the slenderest resources to support his claim to a throne won for himself the greatest empire in the Greek world, while the growth of his position was not due so much to his prowess in arms as to his adroitness and cordiality in diplomacy. Philip himself is said to have been prouder of his grasp of strategy and his diplomatic successes than of his valour in actual battle. Every member o
Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVII, Chapter 33 (search)
narrative is very conventional. Actually, Dareius established a fortified line along the north bank of the river Pinarus, and Alexander was compelled to turn the position by a movement through the hills to the east. Cp. Polybius 12.17-23; Curtius 3.8-11.15; Justin 11.9.1-9; Plut. Alexander 20.1-5; Arrian 2.8-11. The battle was fought in the Attic month Maimacterion, perhaps in November, 333 B.C. (Arrian. 2.11.10), or somewhat earlier (M. J. Fontana, Kokalos, 2 (1956), 47). and advancing in alarming fashion with his forces drawn up for battle, a frightening spectacle, Alexander grasped that this was a god-given opportunity to destroy the Persian power in a single victory. He roused his soldiers with appropriate words for a decisive effort and marshalled the battalions of foot and the squadrons of horse appropriately to the location. He set the cavalry along the front of the whole army, and ordered the infantry phalanx to remain in
Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVII, Chapter 66 (search)
13-15, but without the moral tone that is striking here. It is well known that the throne was a symbol of divinity in the Orient, and that a king's clothing, bed, and throne were affected with royal and divine mana. Cp. S. Eitrem, Symbolae Osloenses, 10 (1932), 35; R. Labat, Le Caractère religieux de la royautéassyro-babylonienne (1939); P. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik, 1 (1954), 316-369; G. Germain, Revue des Études Grecques, 69 (1956), 303-313; S. Weinstock, Journal of Roman Studies, 47 (1957), 146-154. This may explain why it was hybris for Alexander to put his feet on the royal table, but not why the throne was so high. A. Alföldi (La Nouvelle Clio, 1950, 537), however, points out that Persian thrones were normally elevated seven steps up, and this one may have lacked its steps. Probably Diodorus's source did not rationalize the anecdote. Curtius 8.4.15-17 reports that Alexander
Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVII, Chapter 87 (search)
5 B.C.In the archonship of Chremes at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Publius Cornelius and Aulus Postumius.Chremes was archon at Athens from July 326 to June 325 B.C. The consuls of 328 B.C. are not entirely certain (Broughton 1.145). One was C. Plautius Decianus or P. Plautius Proculus, the other P. Cornelius Scapula or P. Cornelius Scipio Barbatus. No Postumius is otherwise attested at this time. According to the calculations of M. J. Fontana, Kokalos, 2 (1956), 42 f., the battle with Porus took place about July 326 B.C., as Diodorus dates it, while Arrian. 5.19.3 places the battle a little earlier, in the Attic month Munichion of the year of Hegemon (April/May of 326 B.C.). He states, however, that the time was after the summer solstice (Arrian. 5.9.4). In this year Alexander repaired his army in the land of Taxiles and then marched against Porus, the king of the neighbouring Indians.For the whole story cp. Curtius
Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVII, Chapter 116 (search)
diadem, them seated himself upon the chair and remained quiet.The significance of the royal throne in the Orient has appeared in chap. 66.3-7 (66.3, note). If the man was a native, he may have regarded it as a sanctuary, or at least as a place of refuge from the pursuing guards; in Arrian's account, they did not venture to remove him by force "because of some Persian custom." (According to the anecdote traced back to Trogus by O. Seel (Pompeius Trogus, Fragmenta, 1956, 109 f.), it was "capital" for anyone to sit on the throne of the king of Persia.) Plut. Alexander 73.4, states that he was a Greek. It is possible that he did not put on the royal garments, but merely held them. Later references to the significance of the throne are Dio 50.10.2; 56.29.1; Script. Hist. Aug. Septimius Severus 1.9. As soon as the king learned of this, he was terrified at the odd event, but walked to the chair and without showing his agitation