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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1. Search the whole document.

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Indiana (Indiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
ng, which it was beyond his power to control. New York, with two Republicans in the Senate, had sent to the House twenty-one Republicans out of a delegation of thirty-three. Pennsylvania, intent on getting rid of her fealty to the Democratic party as quickly as she could, had chosen one Republican for the Senate, and ten out of twenty-five representatives-these latter to be augmented in the Thirty-sixth Congress to twenty. Ohio had furnished an anti-slavery majority to the House, while Indiana and Illinois were, each, within one of a Republican majority. Missouri elected one Republican (Francis P. Blair, Jr.); Michigan, Iowa, and Wisconsin contributed unbroken delegations against slavery. The results of the contests for the Speakership in these two Congresses were significant. In the Thirty-fifth Congress, James L. Orr, Democrat, of South Carolina, had been elected on a single ballot, by 128 votes against 84 for Galusha A. Grow, the Republican candidate. In the Thirt
Nebraska (Nebraska, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
Of Mr. Douglas and his claim to the doctrine of squatter sovereignty, Mr. Davis says: In the organization of a government for California, in 1850, the theory was more distinctly advanced, but it was not until after the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, in 1854, that it was fully developed, under the plastic and constructive genius of the Honorable Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois. The leading part which that distinguished Senator had borne in the authorship and advocacy of the Kansas-NebNebraska Bill, which affirmed the right of the people of the Territories to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States, had aroused against him a violent storm of denunciation in the State which he represented and other Northern States. He met it very manfully in some respects, defended his action resolutely, but in so doing was led to make such concessions of principle, and to attach such an interpretation to the bill, as
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
f Mississippi. If the true construction had been certainly known, he would have had no chance to get it. Whatever meaning the generally discreet and conservative statesman, Mr. Cass, may have intended to convey, it is not at all probable that he foresaw the extent to which the suggestions would be carried and the consequences that would result from it. Of Mr. Douglas and his claim to the doctrine of squatter sovereignty, Mr. Davis says: In the organization of a government for California, in 1850, the theory was more distinctly advanced, but it was not until after the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, in 1854, that it was fully developed, under the plastic and constructive genius of the Honorable Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois. The leading part which that distinguished Senator had borne in the authorship and advocacy of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, which affirmed the right of the people of the Territories to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way,
Arkansas (Arkansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
rom a territorial condition to that of a State was, in the first place, by an act of Congress authorizing the inhabitants to elect representatives to a convention to form a State Constitution, which was then submitted to Congress for approval and ratification. On such ratification the supervisory control of Congress was withdrawn, and the new State authorized to assume its sovereignty, and the inhabitants of the Territory became citizens of a State. In the cases of Tennessee in 1796, and Arkansas and Michigan in 1826, the failure of the inhabitants to obtain an enabling act of Congress, before organizing themselves, very nearly caused the rejection of their applications for admission as States, though they were eventually granted on the ground that the subsequent approval and consent of Congress could heal the prior irregularity. The entire control of Congress over the whole subject of territorial government had never been questioned in earlier times. Necessarily conjoined with th
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
tatesman, without strong convictions; he understood the art of preparing in his closet and uttering before the public, antithetical sentences, well calculated both to inflame the ardor of his anti-slavery friends and to exasperate his pro-slavery opponents. . . . He thus aroused passions, probably without so intending, which it was beyond his power to control. New York, with two Republicans in the Senate, had sent to the House twenty-one Republicans out of a delegation of thirty-three. Pennsylvania, intent on getting rid of her fealty to the Democratic party as quickly as she could, had chosen one Republican for the Senate, and ten out of twenty-five representatives-these latter to be augmented in the Thirty-sixth Congress to twenty. Ohio had furnished an anti-slavery majority to the House, while Indiana and Illinois were, each, within one of a Republican majority. Missouri elected one Republican (Francis P. Blair, Jr.); Michigan, Iowa, and Wisconsin contributed unbroken delegati
Wisconsin (Wisconsin, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
delegation of thirty-three. Pennsylvania, intent on getting rid of her fealty to the Democratic party as quickly as she could, had chosen one Republican for the Senate, and ten out of twenty-five representatives-these latter to be augmented in the Thirty-sixth Congress to twenty. Ohio had furnished an anti-slavery majority to the House, while Indiana and Illinois were, each, within one of a Republican majority. Missouri elected one Republican (Francis P. Blair, Jr.); Michigan, Iowa, and Wisconsin contributed unbroken delegations against slavery. The results of the contests for the Speakership in these two Congresses were significant. In the Thirty-fifth Congress, James L. Orr, Democrat, of South Carolina, had been elected on a single ballot, by 128 votes against 84 for Galusha A. Grow, the Republican candidate. In the Thirty-sixth Congress, at the opening of the first session, the roll stood, 109 Republicans to 101 Democrats — a gain ominous for those who had hoped agai
Harper's Ferry (West Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
bines, two hundred revolver pistols, and about one thousand pikes, with which to arm the slaves. These arms he had collected and deposited in the vicinity of Harper's Ferry. When the plot was ripe for execution, a little before midnight on Sunday evening, October 16, 1859, he, with sixteen white and five negro confederates, rushed across the Potomac to Harper's Ferry, and there seized the armory, arsenal, and rifle factory belonging to the United States. When the inhabitants awoke in the morning they found, greatly to their terror and surprise, that these places, with the town itself, were all in the possession of John Brown's force. It would be a wast others. It is proper to observe that John Brown, after all his efforts, received no support from the slaves in the neighborhood. The news of this attack on Harper's Ferry spread rapidly over the country. All were at first ignorant of the strength of the force, and public rumor had greatly exaggerated it. The President immediat
Mississippi (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
las) might have remembered, if he had chosen to recollect so unimportant a thing, that I once had to explain to him, ten years ago, the fact that I repudiated the doctrine of that letter at the time it was published, and that the Democracy of Mississippi had well-nigh crucified me for the construction which I placed upon it. There were men mean enough to suspect that the construction I gave to the Nicholson letter was prompted by the confidence and affection I felt for General Taylor. At a su the people of a Territory could only exclude slavery when the Territory should form a constitution and be admitted as a State. This doubt continued to hang over the construction, and it was that doubt alone which secured Mr. Cass the vote of Mississippi. If the true construction had been certainly known, he would have had no chance to get it. Whatever meaning the generally discreet and conservative statesman, Mr. Cass, may have intended to convey, it is not at all probable that he foresa
New Jersey (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
n seven weeks, from the second to the fortieth ballot. On January 30th, finding his election impossible, he withdrew. His withdrawal set free the dead-lock. Two days afterward, in the forty-fourth ballot — William Pennington, a Republican of New Jersey, accepted as a compromise candidate, was elected by a majority of one vote. Besides the Kansas question, another cause had contributed to the rapid growth of the Republican party. This was, as Mr. Davis has elsewhere explained, the dis and Southern, sustaining them unitedly, with the exception of one adverse vote (that of Mr. Pugh, of Ohio) on the fourth and sixth resolutions. The Republicans all voted against them or refrained from voting at all, except that Mr. Tenyck, of New Jersey, voted for the fifth and seventh of the series. Mr. Douglas, the leader if not the author of popular sovereignty, was absent on account of illness, and there were a few other absentees. While the resolutions were pending, Mr. Davis made ev
Ohio (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
e could, had chosen one Republican for the Senate, and ten out of twenty-five representatives-these latter to be augmented in the Thirty-sixth Congress to twenty. Ohio had furnished an anti-slavery majority to the House, while Indiana and Illinois were, each, within one of a Republican majority. Missouri elected one Republican r number whose position was doubtful or irregular. The contest for Speaker was memorable both for its length and the fierce passions it aroused. John Sherman, of Ohio, carried his party with him-except three votes-through more than seven weeks, from the second to the fortieth ballot. On January 30th, finding his election imposst from two to twenty-one nays), the Democrats, both Northern and Southern, sustaining them unitedly, with the exception of one adverse vote (that of Mr. Pugh, of Ohio) on the fourth and sixth resolutions. The Republicans all voted against them or refrained from voting at all, except that Mr. Tenyck, of New Jersey, voted for the
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