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Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1, Chapter 22: the secret service fund--charges against Webster, 1845-46. (search)
ritish possession, and Durpree had been one of them. The attempt was not successful, the invading party were captured, and Durpree killed in the melee. In 1840, two years after, McLeod, the man who killed him, related the circumstance in a boastful manner in New York. He was arrested and tried for murder. Mr. Fox, for the English Government, avowed the act and demanded McLeod's release. Mr. Ingersoll accused Mr. Webster of using the contingent fund and his personal influence over Mr. W. H. Seward, Governor of New York, to secure McLeod's release; of expending public moneys in corrupting the press and the people, and of being himself a defaulter to the Government. He compared the illustrious ex Secretary of State to Bacon, the wisest and meanest of mankind, capping the indictment with the suggestion that Mr. Webster had offered the Northwest Territory to Great Britain in exchange for free trade. Astonishing as it now seems, the resolution calling upon the President for the corr
sequently to be, famous, were Davis, Calhoun, Clay, Webster, Benton, Corwin, Cass, Fillmore, Johnson, Stephen A. Douglas, Seward, Chase, Houston, Badger, of North Carolina; Butler, of South Carolina; Hamlin, Hunter, and Mason, of Virginia; Berrien, Mted to sit within the bar of the Senate during the period of his sojourn in Washington. This resolution was favored by Mr. Seward and other Northern senators, but it was opposed by the Southern members, on the ground that Father Mathew, in the languns, had been charged with denouncing one portion of the Confederacy as little better than a band of lawless pirates. Mr. Seward, in an insidious speech eulogizing Father Mathew's services as a temperance orator, ended by expressing the hope that tunder the pretext of honoring a distinguished foreign guest. He said: I am glad to hear the Senator from New York (Mr. Seward) place this movement upon a distinct basis — to know that it is advocated because of the opinions in relation to domest
m any of the United States, at the option of their owners. This was the position generally taken by the Southern men true to their own people, and not looking forward to what, even at that early day, made a politician too cosmopolitan to serve his own State faithfully, a national reputation; otherwise, a candidate for the Presidency. Notwithstanding the great effort made by the free State party, the South was still, with all the defections from their ranks, strong enough to defeat Mr. Seward's revival of the Wilmot Proviso resolution. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude otherwise than by conviction for crime, shall ever be allowed in either of said Territories of Utah and New Mexico. This was defeated by an almost strictly Southern vote; five only being from the West and North. Yeas, 23; Nays, 33. In the light that forty years have shed upon this struggle, it is interesting to recall a portion of an address presented to the Southern people by an organized meeting
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1, Chapter 40: social relations and incidents of Cabinet life, 1853-57. (search)
On F Street it was so deep that Mrs. Henry Wayne, a dear friend and opposite neighbor, could not cross the street without the assistance of men to beat down the snow, and these could not be procured. Mr. Pierce was nearly an hour getting a square and a half, to inquire for me; he would not send a servant, for, said he, they have no personal interest to urge them on, and would never have made their way this far. He reached our house exhausted, having sunk above his waist several times. Mr. Seward heard that I was at the point of death, and that the lady, a near neighbor of his, who was nursing me with Mrs. Wayne, could not get a carriage to bring her to our door at the corner of F and Fourteenth Street. Though he did not know us, he had his own fine horses harnessed to a sleigh, and brought Mrs. Hetzel to me-but with broken harness and at some peril. This service introduced him to us, and after all those long years of bitter feuds, I thank him as sincerely as my husband did to the
were Lord and Lady Napier in Washington. Mr. Seward came for an hour daily, and sometimes ofteneudience is inattentive or seems ill at ease. Mr. Seward said, I do not, it is rather a relief to me ny liberties of expression with him, I said, Mr. Seward, how can you make, with a grave face, those North. Mr. Davis said, very much shocked at Mr. Seward's answer, But, Mr. Seward, do you never speaMr. Seward, do you never speak from conviction alone? Nev-er, answered he. Mr. Davis raised up his blindfolded head, and with mujudge, I never spoke from any other motive. Mr. Seward put his arm about him and gently laid down hroat had been for some time pretty well; but Mr. Seward came daily until the day Mr. Davis was takente on an appropriation for the coast survey. Mr. Seward and I both objected earnestly, but Mr. Daviss gentle and perfect work. After many weeks Mr. Seward said he might, with the practice of a racont the most prejudiced of his antagonists. Mr. Seward's was a problematical character full of con
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1, Chapter 43: thirty-sixth Congress — Squatter sovereignty, 1859-61. (search)
er to repeat, has been employed to consecrate his memory. The members of the Senate and House who were implicated in any degree in giving John Brown aid and comfort were interrogated by a committee of each house in a secret examination, and Mr. Seward was proved to have subscribed money; but he asserted that he had no idea that Brown intended to use it for such purposes as his raid unveiled. In the height of this turmoil, while peace and war trembled in the balance, Hinton Helper, a man within the Union, against slavery. Although public opinion on that question was practically solidified in the Eastern States, and wholly so in the South, it had been hitherto only formative in the Middle and Western States. About this time Mr. Seward came forward into greater prominence, and became the most noted leader of the Republican party. Mr. Buchanan said: He was much more of a politician than a statesman, without strong convictions; he understood the art of preparing in his closet a