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ins the ashes of a patriot whose memory is a sacred legacy-fathers and sons, they are the same men now that they have always been. These younger men, however, are not amenable to any accusation of treason, except that they had hearts to love their venerable fathers and the cause which they espoused; their brothers, and the country whose bosom was bathed with the outpouring of their blood. The framers of the Constitution, remembering that its most important principles were born of Anglo-Saxon rebellion against royal power, and that attainder and confiscation had too often been the badges of a noble martyrdom, protected the children of rebels against confiscation and their blood against attainder by positive provisions of the organic law. How insulting to the spirits of the great men who ordained this Constitution is that unworthy prejudice which would visit upon the children, even then unborn, the penalties which have been denounced against their fathers. The American people
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 1.1
rors failed to find a vicarious sufferer who could personate the alleged treason of the people. The truth was, there was no head to the rebellion against the Union in the South, or to the rebellion against the Constitution in the North. The people on both sides, in their entire body, were the offenders. Mr. Lincoln, who was not an Abolitionist before the war, was forced by the pressure of popular clamor and a supposed military necessity, to declare the emancipation of the negroes, and Mr. Davis, who was a pronounced friend of the Union, was compelled to draw the sword against it to avoid the crime of treason in defending the rights of the States, assailed through the institution of slavery, with arms within the Union. His jailor, while he was a prisoner, punished him for treason in a manner befitting the Inquisition, but his judges never took heart to hear a demurrer to the indictment. There was no treason in the war. There was no traitor of any note to either flag during the
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 1.1
itutionality of every measure affecting the general welfare. The American people were neither seduced, surprised, nor betrayed into the war of 1861. After a vain search, the conquerors failed to find a vicarious sufferer who could personate the alleged treason of the people. The truth was, there was no head to the rebellion against the Union in the South, or to the rebellion against the Constitution in the North. The people on both sides, in their entire body, were the offenders. Mr. Lincoln, who was not an Abolitionist before the war, was forced by the pressure of popular clamor and a supposed military necessity, to declare the emancipation of the negroes, and Mr. Davis, who was a pronounced friend of the Union, was compelled to draw the sword against it to avoid the crime of treason in defending the rights of the States, assailed through the institution of slavery, with arms within the Union. His jailor, while he was a prisoner, punished him for treason in a manner befitti
Dabney H. Maury (search for this): chapter 1.1
but touchinly-appropriate tribute to the memory of Admiral Raphael Semmes, late Vice-President of the Society for the State of Alabama, and, on motion of General Dabney H. Maury, the following minute was unanimously adopted: The death of Admiral Raphael Semmes, the Vice-President of this Society for the State ot Alabama, havingto be entered on the Journal. Fifth annual report of the Executive Committee of the Southern Historical Society, for year Ending October 31st, 1877. General D. H. Maury then read the following. The Executive Committee have to report that during the past year they have endeavored to keep in view the great objects of thetitutional freedom, and we earnestly appeal to all who can add anything of value to our collection, to do so at once. By order of the Executive Committee. Dabney H. Maury, Chairman. J. Wm. Jones, Secretary. The report was unanimously adopted. The President then announced the selection of General E. W. Pettus, of Selma,
uch larger), we will have no difficulty in meeting all of our expenses. But we are in pressing need of means to enable us to adequately prosecute our great work, and we know not how a lover of the truth of history can better employ funds than by contributing them to the use of the Southern Historical Society. In conclusion, we would express our growing sense of the importance of collecting now, the material for a true history of our great struggle for Constitutional freedom, and we earnestly appeal to all who can add anything of value to our collection, to do so at once. By order of the Executive Committee. Dabney H. Maury, Chairman. J. Wm. Jones, Secretary. The report was unanimously adopted. The President then announced the selection of General E. W. Pettus, of Selma, as Vice-Pesident for Alabama; and Col. Thos. H. Carter, of King William county, Va., formerly Chief of Artillery of Rodes' Division, A. N. V., as a member of the Executive Committee to fill a vacancy.
W. W. Corcoran (search for this): chapter 1.1
tment adopts such rules as will allow citizens of every section free and equal opportunity of inspecting and verifying the originals of documents which it is proposed to publish. Finances. With the exception of the liberal donation of W. W. Corcoran, Esq., who, last November, added $500 to his donation of the year before, the Committee has been dependent for the means of carrying on its work upon membership fees and subscriptions to our Papers. The following summary will exhibit our receipts and disbursements, from November 1st, 1876, to October 30th, 1877: Receipts. Membership fees, subscriptions, and advertisements4,244 45 Donation of W. W. Corcoran, Esq500 00 Total receipts$4,744 45 Balance in treasury, as per last report51 94 Total funds$4,796 39 Disbursements. Paid on account of printing, stereotyping, and binding2,584 43 Commissions to agents646 32 Salary of Secretary816 85 Pay of clerk, stationery, and miscellaneous office expenses365 89 Postage, expr
ive rise to the quarrels of different nations or races of men, except so far as they related to African slavery. They only became sectional when the measures which excited the discussion happened to affect a particular section of the country. In 1812 to 1815 some of the States of the North strongly threatened to secede from the Union, which then implied a desire to return to their former allegiance to the British Crown. In 1830 to 1832 there was manifested an almost fatal purpose in some of teciation, in their lineage, and in proud exaltation of sentiment they had riches, inherited from their fathers, which the people of America have valued as above all price. In the heraldry of their lineage, the wars of the Revolution, the war of 1812, and the war with Mexico are inscribed as the events which sealed the patents of their nobility. I am proud, my countrymen, to adopt for you that title-the poor men of the South --which, though applied by those who knew you not as a badge of yo
Fitzhugh Lee (search for this): chapter 1.1
ized individually, and as to each other, as beligerents, or in any respect as powers foreign to the Government of the United States. The treaty, if it may be called such, was made by terms of capitulation between the two armies in the field, and was ratified in the parole of every Confederate soldier. Thus the most sacred of all the engagements of public faith was made a matter of personal agreement between the Government of the United States and the soldiers of the Confederacy. When General Lee and General Johnston surrendered their armies they did not consent to impose upon them conditions of civil inferiority when they should return to their homes. They would never have surrendered upon such terms. Never was the honor of a country more bound up in any treaty, and never was public faith more unjustly disregarded, than it was when the government that received these paroles afterwards disregarded them. The Congress of the United States, under its power to make war, and wit
Andrew Johnson (search for this): chapter 1.1
condition of the country had made it possible that such a war could be waged for such a cause and against a people so helpless and unoffending. The real purpose of the war of 1867 was to secure a presidential election. The immobility of President Johnson, like a rock in the sea, had caused a reactionary movement among the people to save the Constitution as well as the Union. Those who wanted the Union without the Constitution — who wanted an oligarchy instead of a republic—at once discerhe State governments, and marshalled an army to enforce the movement. It was the right of local self-government in the States that stood in the way of the marplots who intended to control the presidency at every hazard. The encounter with Andrew Johnson caused them to dread a President who regarded his oath to support the Constitution, and they intended that nothing should be left to chance in the election of his successor. This purpose could only be accomplished by taking the government of
January 1st (search for this): chapter 1.1
nual meeting; and we are gratified to know that this policy meets with the well nigh universal approval of our friends. We have now on hand copies of the first three volumes of our Papers handsomely bound; (the fourth volume will be ready 1st of January, next,) besides our Confederate view of the treatment of prisoners, which we beg our friends to help us to circulate, and especially to place in every public library in the country. We have reason to congratulate ourselves that, in spite o Nos. of our Papers to make 2,000 volumes4,000 00 1,500 copies Treatment of prisoners 1,500 00 Due us by agents800 00 Renewal fees and subscriptions now due300 00 Due from advertisers175 90 Total$6,775 00 There will be due us on the 1st of January next, for renewal fees and subscriptions, $3,600. We have so far reduced our expenses, that if our receipts are as large next year as they have been during the past year, (and we have great reason to hope that they will be much larger), w
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