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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley). Search the whole document.

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Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 71
t it not, even within a quarter of a century, be precipitated? Disunion is of bad example, and might prove contagious; while the Slave States, united in a bad brotherhood, and by the ties of a common iniquity, might not find it difficult to cope with and to subjugate individual States, themselves exposed to the assaults of each other, and weakened by intestine disorder. That it is no part of Slaveholding chivalry to spare a State, either because it is weak or inoffensive, let the fate of Mexico attest! But inoffensive the Northern States, even with the best intentions, could not possibly be. The recognition of the Confederacy however absolute and complete, would not for a day silence the Anti-Slavery discussions of the North. It is certain that they will never cease until Slavery is abolished. No laws, however rigid, no considerations of international comity, would be sufficient to restrain the voices of men who as much believe that Slavery is horrible in God's sight as they bel
Canada (Canada) (search for this): chapter 71
Northern Independence. we must conquer this Rebellion or it will conquer us. This is a fact of which we are reminded — and there is need that we should be — by the boasts of fugitive Secessionists in Canada, who, it is reported, openly declare that the Union shall not be broken, but that if the North is beaten, it shall be subjected to the rule of Jefferson Davis, who will be next President of the United States. There is nothing sacred, said Napoleon, after a conquest. The theory of this war is plain enough. The Northern people well understand that they are contending for the Constitution and the Laws; but it may be questioned if more than a small minority of thinkers have permitted themselves to look — for they cannot do so without shuddering — into that seething hell of anarchy and confusion and ceaseless apprehension which would be our fate in the event of a Confederate triumph. Large as this continent is, it may be safely assumed that it is not large enough for two disti
Illinois (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 71
need not recapitulate, a component part of that defence must be its extension. It can no more exist within confined limits than a rat can live under an exhausted receiver. It is clear, therefore, that in the event of a military triumph of the system, the spirit of territorial aggrandizement, which has heretofore sought for new man-markets upon the frontier of the Southwest, would begin to exert itself in a Northern direction. Of the inability of the Slave Power to conquer such States as Illinois, Ohio, or Indiana, we might be tolerably certain, so long as a Northern Union should remain; but the grave and alarming question is, how long, after the establishment of a Southern Confederacy, the Northern Union would continue to exist. Itself a fragment, into how many smaller fragments might it not, even within a quarter of a century, be precipitated? Disunion is of bad example, and might prove contagious; while the Slave States, united in a bad brotherhood, and by the ties of a common
Indiana (Indiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 71
ate, a component part of that defence must be its extension. It can no more exist within confined limits than a rat can live under an exhausted receiver. It is clear, therefore, that in the event of a military triumph of the system, the spirit of territorial aggrandizement, which has heretofore sought for new man-markets upon the frontier of the Southwest, would begin to exert itself in a Northern direction. Of the inability of the Slave Power to conquer such States as Illinois, Ohio, or Indiana, we might be tolerably certain, so long as a Northern Union should remain; but the grave and alarming question is, how long, after the establishment of a Southern Confederacy, the Northern Union would continue to exist. Itself a fragment, into how many smaller fragments might it not, even within a quarter of a century, be precipitated? Disunion is of bad example, and might prove contagious; while the Slave States, united in a bad brotherhood, and by the ties of a common iniquity, might no
Charleston (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 71
on of any measure which may merely postpone the final adjustment of this quarrel, and leave us, mean-while, certainly for more than one generation, the sport of political chances. If there be any philanthropist who shrinks, as well he may, from the butchery of battle, we warn him that the longest war, however bloody, is better for humanity than the smoothest of hollow truces. Do not let us be-deceived! There is no safety for this republic but in its integrity; there is no peace for it but in its indivisibility; there is no economy ill ending one war only that we may begin another; there is no happiness for us, there is none for our children, save in the complete victory of our Government. Five years of war would be better-yes, fifty years of war would be better than a century of imaginary peace and continual collisions. The time to acknowledge the Confederacy, if at all, was when Anderson pulled down the flag of Fort Sumter. That time has gone by forever! September 12, 1862.
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 71
Northern Independence. we must conquer this Rebellion or it will conquer us. This is a fact of which we are reminded — and there is need that we should be — by the boasts of fugitive Secessionists in Canada, who, it is reported, openly declare that the Union shall not be broken, but that if the North is beaten, it shall be subjected to the rule of Jefferson Davis, who will be next President of the United States. There is nothing sacred, said Napoleon, after a conquest. The theory of this war is plain enough. The Northern people well understand that they are contending for the Constitution and the Laws; but it may be questioned if more than a small minority of thinkers have permitted themselves to look — for they cannot do so without shuddering — into that seething hell of anarchy and confusion and ceaseless apprehension which would be our fate in the event of a Confederate triumph. Large as this continent is, it may be safely assumed that it is not large enough for two dist
Ohio (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 71
t recapitulate, a component part of that defence must be its extension. It can no more exist within confined limits than a rat can live under an exhausted receiver. It is clear, therefore, that in the event of a military triumph of the system, the spirit of territorial aggrandizement, which has heretofore sought for new man-markets upon the frontier of the Southwest, would begin to exert itself in a Northern direction. Of the inability of the Slave Power to conquer such States as Illinois, Ohio, or Indiana, we might be tolerably certain, so long as a Northern Union should remain; but the grave and alarming question is, how long, after the establishment of a Southern Confederacy, the Northern Union would continue to exist. Itself a fragment, into how many smaller fragments might it not, even within a quarter of a century, be precipitated? Disunion is of bad example, and might prove contagious; while the Slave States, united in a bad brotherhood, and by the ties of a common iniquity
Louis Napoleon (search for this): chapter 71
Northern Independence. we must conquer this Rebellion or it will conquer us. This is a fact of which we are reminded — and there is need that we should be — by the boasts of fugitive Secessionists in Canada, who, it is reported, openly declare that the Union shall not be broken, but that if the North is beaten, it shall be subjected to the rule of Jefferson Davis, who will be next President of the United States. There is nothing sacred, said Napoleon, after a conquest. The theory of this war is plain enough. The Northern people well understand that they are contending for the Constitution and the Laws; but it may be questioned if more than a small minority of thinkers have permitted themselves to look — for they cannot do so without shuddering — into that seething hell of anarchy and confusion and ceaseless apprehension which would be our fate in the event of a Confederate triumph. Large as this continent is, it may be safely assumed that it is not large enough for two disti
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 71
Northern Independence. we must conquer this Rebellion or it will conquer us. This is a fact of which we are reminded — and there is need that we should be — by the boasts of fugitive Secessionists in Canada, who, it is reported, openly declare that the Union shall not be broken, but that if the North is beaten, it shall be subjected to the rule of Jefferson Davis, who will be next President of the United States. There is nothing sacred, said Napoleon, after a conquest. The theory of this war is plain enough. The Northern people well understand that they are contending for the Constitution and the Laws; but it may be questioned if more than a small minority of thinkers have permitted themselves to look — for they cannot do so without shuddering — into that seething hell of anarchy and confusion and ceaseless apprehension which would be our fate in the event of a Confederate triumph. Large as this continent is, it may be safely assumed that it is not large enough for two dist
ion of any measure which may merely postpone the final adjustment of this quarrel, and leave us, mean-while, certainly for more than one generation, the sport of political chances. If there be any philanthropist who shrinks, as well he may, from the butchery of battle, we warn him that the longest war, however bloody, is better for humanity than the smoothest of hollow truces. Do not let us be-deceived! There is no safety for this republic but in its integrity; there is no peace for it but in its indivisibility; there is no economy ill ending one war only that we may begin another; there is no happiness for us, there is none for our children, save in the complete victory of our Government. Five years of war would be better-yes, fifty years of war would be better than a century of imaginary peace and continual collisions. The time to acknowledge the Confederacy, if at all, was when Anderson pulled down the flag of Fort Sumter. That time has gone by forever! September 12, 1862.
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