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Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 2 1,039 11 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 29. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 833 7 Browse Search
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 656 14 Browse Search
The Annals of the Civil War Written by Leading Participants North and South (ed. Alexander Kelly McClure) 580 0 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 459 3 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 435 13 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 355 1 Browse Search
Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders. 352 2 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 333 7 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 330 2 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Jefferson Davis or search for Jefferson Davis in all documents.

Your search returned 70 results in 31 document sections:

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lowed by General Patterson, but from causes not necessary for me to refer to, you knew them all. This was not done, and the enemy was free to assemble from every direction in numbers only limited by the amount of his railroad rolling-stock and his supply of provisions. To the forces, therefore, we drove in from Fairfax Court House, Fairfax Station, Germantown, and Centreville, and those under Beauregard at Manassas, must be added those under Johnston from Winchester, and those brought up by Davis from Richmond, to other places at the South, to which is to be added the levy en masse ordered by the Richmond authorities, which was ordered to assemble at Manassas. What all this amounted to, I cannot say — certainly much more than we attacked them with. I could not, as I have said, more early push on faster, nor could I delay. A large and the best part of my forces were three months volunteers, whose term of service was about to expire, but who were sent forward as having long enough
re filled with wounded. Pursuit was continued along several routes towards Leesburg and Centreville, until darkness covered the fugitives. We have captured several field-batteries, stands of arms, and Union and State flags. Many prisoners have been taker. Too high praise cannot be bestowed, whether for the skill of the principal officers, or for the gallantry of all our troops. The battle was mainly fought on our left. Our force was 15,000; that of the enemy estimated at 35,000. Jefferson Davis. Another despatch says the entire Confederate force was about 40,000, and the entire force of the United States near 80,000. No particulars are received of the dead and wounded.--Richmond Enquirer. This sight, of itself, was worth the fatigue of the day's journey. We saw the poor wounded soldiers on the roadside and in the fields, when they observed the President's manly form pass by, raise their heads, and heard them give shout upon shout and cheer upon cheer. It has been stat
formant in the morning, when he told me that the Federalists, utterly routed, had fallen back upon Arlington to defend the capital, leaving nearly 5 batteries of artillery, 8,000 muskets, immense quantities of stores and baggage, and their wounded prisoners in the hands of the enemy! Let the American journals tell the story their own way. I have told mine as I know it. It has rained incessantly and heavily since early morning, and the country is quite unfit for operations; otherwise, if Mr. Davis desired to press his advantage, he might be now very close to Arlington Heights. He has already proved that he has a fair right to be considered the head of a belligerent power. But, though the North may reel under the shock, I cannot think it will make her desist from the struggle, unless it be speedily followed by blows more deadly even than the repulse from Manassas. There is much talk now (of masked batteries, of course) of outflanking, and cavalry, and such matters. The truth seem
ld. There was no one mind of the Napoleonic order, at once centralizing and comprehending the entire movement of the day. There was no one to organize our regiments in strong, swift-moving columns, and hurl them powerfully against the foe. Nor were the generals of division more competent to their work. They exhibited personal bravery, but advantages gained were not secured; important points were abandoned as soon as carried; and a reckless, fatiguing pursuit preferred, until Beauregard and Davis, who commanded in person, led us on to positions thoroughly available for the attack of their final reinforcements. As for us, no one had thought of providing that reserve absolutely necessary to the sealing and completion of a battle's successes. It is the last conflict of the day that decides the victory and defeat. We had no cavalry to rout our retreating foe. Our artillery was not rendered efficient in the afternoon. Gen. Tyler neglected to guard his rear, and to check the pushing
eorgia regiment, Col. Gardner, suffered greatly. Wearied and worn, and sick at heart, I retired from the field whose glory is scarce equal to its gloom, and I have not the strength now to write more. I send my field notes as they are. President Davis came upon the ground just as the battle ended, and the wildest cheering greeted him. He rode along the lines of war-worn men who had been drawn off from action, and he seemed proud of them, and of his right to command such noble men, but it I sent the casualties of Col. Kershaw's regiment by telegraph to-day; but those of the other regiments, so scattered as they are, and in weather so exceedingly unsuitable to travelling as it has been, I have not yet been able to obtain. President Davis left the army this morning in the cars for Richmond. Though the Chief Magistrate of a great republic at the most salient period of its greatness, were arrogated no special privilege, he took his seat with others in an overcrowded car; and i
t for revenge, may carry a deluded people; but the confidence of the South will rise high, that no continued and often-repeated struggles can be entered upon in the face of such obstacles which have been found in the courage and constancy of the Confederate army, and the genius of its illustrious chief. In every corner of this land, and at every capital in Europe, it will be received as the emphatic and exulting endorsement, by a young and unconquerable nation, of the lofty assurance President Davis spread before the world on the very eve of the battle, that the noble race of freemen who inherit these States will, whatever may be the proportions the war may assume, renew their sacrifices and their services from year to year, until they have made good to the uttermost their right to self-government. The day of battle shows how they redeemed this pledge for them, and in adversity as in victory, it is the undying pledge of all.--New Orleans Picayune, July 23. The great victory.
the heroism of disinterested valor. The battle has gone the other way,--and, behold, the laurels that have been woven for President Lincoln are proffered to President Davis. Yet, not quite so. We who were in the route had the momentary candor to admit that it was a drawn battle, not a disgraceful defeat. The fugitives may rallyexpediency and the justice of a six-pound franchise in England are to be determined by the merits of the contest now waging between President Lincoln and President Jefferson Davis, we shall be glad, especially at this season of the year, to enter into the controversy. But by all means let us know what we are arguing about. Let us war — famine, disease, and pestilence — to our own doors. These we admit are extreme views; but it was the belief that they would be realized that induced Mr. Jefferson Davis and his abettors to defy the power of the President and attempt to dismember the Union. Now, we cannot, for the life of us, see, unless some desperate al
d even to put their ears to the keyhole, or to look through a crevice in the doors, to ascertain what was being done. A league with the Southern Confederacy has been formed, and the State has been handed over to the Southern Confederacy, with Jeff. Davis at its head. We, the people of Tennessee, have been handed over to this Confederacy, I say, like sheep in the shambles, bound hand and foot, to be disposed of as Jefferson Davis and his cohorts may think proper. This Ordinance was passed bJefferson Davis and his cohorts may think proper. This Ordinance was passed by the Convention with a proviso that it should be submitted to the people. The Governor was authorized to raise 55,000 men. Money was appropriated to enable him to carry out this diabolical and nefarious scheme, depriving the people of their rights, disposing of them as stock in the market — handing them over completely, body and soul, to the Southern Confederacy. Now you may talk about slaves and slavery, but in most instances when a slave changes his master, even he has the privilege of c
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), Doc. 59: a Virginian who is not a traitor: response of Lieut. Mayo, U. S. N., to the proclamation of Gov. Letcher. (search)
ch the people of Virginia are faithful despite the unholy and unpatriotic action of The Convention. If, sir, I were to forsake the Stars and Stripes in this dread hour and join your banner, what assurance would you have that I would not betray you? Surely not that of honor, not that of patriotism. John Letcher, Governor of Virginia, I scornfully reject the infamous proposal of The Convention, made public by you, its organ. It is cut from the same secret piece, dyed in the wool, as the perfidy of Harper's Ferry and Gosport Navy Yard. I decline to yield myself upon the invitation of The Convention, a disgraceful subordinate to Jeff. Davis, and unworthy and inefficient Virginian that I am, not all the wealth, biped and landed; not all the honors which the Old Dominion can create, will ever seduce me from a full and unreserved devotion to the Stars and Stripes. You, sir, might have restored peace to your country, but you would not. W. K. Mayo, Lieutenant United States Navy.
as if it were a new gospel of freedom. Jefferson Davis' message. True, the State Rights leadead the people on this subject, is that of Jefferson Davis, in his message of April 29, 1861, to theto which let us briefly direct attention. Mr. Davis, referring to the occasion of convening the the people to whom he appeals. That such is Mr. Davis' position, seems to me beyond dispute. Hi your minds to the particular point in which Mr. Davis ventures to defend his favorite theory, at tw, my friends, you can judge to what straits Mr. Davis was driven to sustain himself before the wore so important a feature, when, according to Mr. Davis, the constitutional amendment was adopted unomitted that word. What, then, becomes of Mr. Davis' statement, that the States refused to be saf fact — even more so than the message of Jefferson Davis, to which I have previously referred. Ofnstitution, is to them a demon of darkness; Jeff. Davis, striking deadly blows at that Constitution
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