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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,632 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 998 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 232 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2 156 0 Browse Search
J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary 142 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 138 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 134 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 130 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 130 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 126 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Europe or search for Europe in all documents.

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, to throw up works at Blackburn's Ford. No tools came forward but the small amount Lieutenant Brinel had of his own. These he took to Richardson's position, commenced a battery and made several hundred yards of it. Blenker, with his pioneers, improved and extended the works at Centreville left by the enemy. It was soon reported that the Fourth Pennsylvania regiment had left at its encampment a battery of field-guns. For this Colonel Blenker offered to organize a company of experienced European artillerists, which I accepted. The captain's name, I regret, I have forgotten, as I should recommend his having permanent command of the guns in question. He is an efficient officer. So soon as I completed my arrangements with Blenker, I visited Colonel Richardson; found him in proper position and effectively at work, Hunt's and Edwards's battery being in good position. There was no evidence of the enemy immediately about the ford until after the first opening of the fire, when he fled
pariahs of society in New York — are, nevertheless, in the very midst of repulse and defeat, permitted to indulge in ridiculous rhodomontade toward the nations of Europe, and to move our laughter by impotently malignant attacks on our rotten old monarchy, while the stones of their bran-new Republic are tumbling about their ears. of men. I do not give, as may be observed, the names of regiments, unless in special cases--first, because they possess little interest, I conceive, for those in Europe who read these letters; and secondly, because there is an exceedingly complex system — at least to a foreigner — of nomenclature in the forces, and one may make ame remarks on the action at Manassas or Bull Run. Of its general effects abroad, and on the North and South, a larger and perhaps a better view can be taken from Europe than on this side of the Atlantic. There is a natural and intense anxiety to learn what impression will be made abroad by the battle — for, notwithstanding the
y extended view. In the western distance on the left we could see the outskirts of Manassas Junction. The woods at whose edge our line of battle formed, extended half around the open fields in a kind of semicircle, and it was into the arms of this crescent that our skirmishers advanced. Soon we began to hear random shots exchanged in the thicket on the left, which proved the. existence of an enemy in that direction. (What can be done against men who, to all the science and discipline of European warfare, add more than the meanness and cowardly treachery of the Indian? We had, all through the day, to hunt for the foe, though he numbered his myriads of men.) At the same time, a scout on the right captured a negro native, who was led to the general, shaking with fear, and anxious to impart such information as he had. Through him we learned that the rebels were quartered among the woods on the right and left, and in the groves in the open country; that they had erected a battery on th
the fortunes of a day so deplorably lost. We will not venture to say to what extent rage, disappointment, baffled cupidity, and thirst for revenge, may carry a deluded people; but the confidence of the South will rise high, that no continued and often-repeated struggles can be entered upon in the face of such obstacles which have been found in the courage and constancy of the Confederate army, and the genius of its illustrious chief. In every corner of this land, and at every capital in Europe, it will be received as the emphatic and exulting endorsement, by a young and unconquerable nation, of the lofty assurance President Davis spread before the world on the very eve of the battle, that the noble race of freemen who inherit these States will, whatever may be the proportions the war may assume, renew their sacrifices and their services from year to year, until they have made good to the uttermost their right to self-government. The day of battle shows how they redeemed this pl
ghting, it is all the same; whether it obeys the fiery impulses which have made Europe for eighteen centuries one continuous battle-field, or meekly drops its arms in proves any thing to the disparagement of democracy, what do the convulsions of Europe prove for monarchical institutions? But ours, it may be said, is neither the ongraceful defeat, an amount of taxation which is unparalleled in the history of European nations, the utter subversion of constitutional liberty, and, by means of prohiate combatants are, these sufferings must be felt more or less by the whole of Europe, and more especially by the great producing countries, France and England. One which aroused us to such sacrifices was a paltry dispute in a distant corner of Europe. We fought not for the integrity of the British Empire, but in defence of the lished the odious practice of privateering, and, in imitation of the policy of European nations, it has practically conceded belligerent rights to the enemy. It has
n common cause, and that cause the preservation of our glorious Union and its invaluable Constitution, with their attendant blessings, will they not be irresistible? How much more hopeful and cheering is a prospect like this than the contemplation of standing armies, grinding taxes, ruined agriculture, prostrate commerce, bloody battles, ravaged countries, and sacked cities. This continent, like the Eastern world, is destined to have its Northern hive. Shall its swarms be repressed by the strong hand of the States united, or are they, by a dissolution of the Union, to be let loose on our South, like the Goths and Vandals upon Southern Europe? True, their blood might, in that event, fertilize your desolated fields, but your institutions, like those of the Roman Empire, would sink to rise no more. These are the thoughts of an old man whose only political aspirations are, that when he dies he may leave his country united, happy, and free. With sincere regard, Amos Kendall.
ave an utter disgust for it. I would rather hear of natural blasts and mildews, war, pestilence and famine, than to hear gentlemen talk of secession. To break up! to break up this great Government! to dismember this great country! to astonish Europe with an act of folly such as Europe, for two centuries, has never beheld in any Government! No, sir! no, sir! There will be no secession. Gentlemen are not serious when they talk of secession. The Supreme Court, too, speaking through each Europe, for two centuries, has never beheld in any Government! No, sir! no, sir! There will be no secession. Gentlemen are not serious when they talk of secession. The Supreme Court, too, speaking through each of its great chiefs, Marshall and Taney, repels the doctrine. In the case of McCulloch and Maryland, the first of these, as the organ of the whole Court, rejected it in clear terms. The very foundation, the only one on which it can for a moment stand, is, that the Constitution is a compact, and not in the usual and sovereign sense of the word, a government. Let me read you how he disposed of this: In discussing this question, (the question of compact,) the counsel for the State of Mar
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), Doc. 22.-Hudson River Baptist Association, report and resolutions, June 19. (search)
uld so far prevail as to give the leading character to public opinion, or to a national policy; because such a state of things would separate us from the sympathies of Christendom, and bring down upon us the curses of every civilized community in Europe, in Asia, in Australia, and in the Isles of the sea; because the course of events has brought us to a crisis that is ultimate, beyond which there is no issue for which any party can make a stand in behalf of any idea that enfolds a hopeful futureken; but upon whomsoever it shall fall it will grind him to powder. Resolved, That in the patriotic devotion of the Christian women of our land we hail a sign of the times propitious of success, and while we remember that for many centuries in Europe the virtues of Christian womanhood have been a great barrier against the triumphs of Anti-Christian barbarism, we commend the cause of our country in its day of peril to the prayers and cooperation of the mothers and daughters of Israel, and to t
nd most formidable scale. Interests These people are mad. The reason of it, aside from what I have said, is palpable to any reflecting man who has travelled over Europe. If you have not done so, you may hesitate to believe me when I say that the masses of even Western Europe are less civilized than our negroes. With greater cWestern Europe are less civilized than our negroes. With greater capacity for it, they lave been forever so ground down that they have no more knowledge, and far less sentiment and polish than even our rice negroes. Some five millions of them have been precipitated upon the North in these last twenty years, and have been made, by Sewards, Greeleys, Beechers, &c., &c., to suck in the hydrogen gad and recognized, as the true basis of society and government in all staple-growing countries. I thought the North would see and follow its interests. I thought Europe would do the same, and supposed it had done it when England agreed to recognize us as belligerents, which is all the recognition I want. But isms seem to have th
us mass appears almost incredible. But what is the actual fact? Experienced men, who have had ample opportunity to familiarize themselves with the condition of European armies, concede that, in point of personnel, this patriot army is fully equal to the finest regular troops of the Old World. A more intelligent body of men, or ored, arrangements have been made to rifle a large portion of the guns on hand, and the work is still in progress. Some patriotic American citizens resident in Europe, fearing that the country might not have a sufficient supply, purchased on their own responsibility, through cooperation with the United States Ministers to Englaed. A perfect battery of six Whitworth twelve-pounder rifled cannon, with three thousand rounds of ammunition, the munificent donation of sympathizing friends in Europe, has also been received from England. It will be necessary for Congress, either at its approaching special, or at its next annual session, to adopt measures fo
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