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E. M. Stanton (search for this): chapter 4.32
istics of prison mortality made up from statements of Secretary Stanton as to the number of prisoners taken, and a report of nly with the full knowledge of, but under the orders of E. M. Stanton, U. S. Secretary of War. We have proven these things bler, Lieutenant-General Grant refused to approve it, and Mr. Stanton repudiated it; and that the policy of the Federal Govern prisoners North and South on the official figures of Secretary Stanton and Surgeon-General Barnes, which were thus presented attention of gentlemen to this fact, that the report of Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of War--you will believe him, will you noistics of prison mortality made up from statements of Secretary Stanton as to the number of prisoners taken, and a report of o have a new set of figures prepared for the purpose. Secretary Stanton's report of the number of prisoner's who died on both the cruel treatment which our men received directly to E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War. On the other hand, we defy proof of
up from statements of Secretary Stanton as to the number of prisoners taken, and a report of Surgeon Barnes giving the total number of deaths. The result of the calculation is startling, for it shows treatment of prisoners North and South on the official figures of Secretary Stanton and Surgeon-General Barnes, which were thus presented by Hon. B. H. Hill in his masterly reply to Mr. Blaine: N only 22,576 died, while of the Confederate prisoners in Federal hands 26,436 died. And Surgeon-General Barnes reports in an official report — I suppose you will believe him — that in round numbers tup from statements of Secretary Stanton as to the number of prisoners taken, and a report of Surgeon Barnes giving the total number of deaths. The result of the calculation is startling, for it showsthe number of prisoner's who died on both sides during the war was made July 19th, 1866; Surgeon-General Barnes' report of the number of deaths on both sides was made the next year, we believe — and t<
r the hospitals of either friends or foe? Most unquestionably the responsibility rests with the Federal authorities. They not only declared medicines contraband of war --even arresting ladies coming South for concealing a little quinine under their skirts — but they sanctioned the custom of their soldiers to sack every drug store in the Confederacy which they could reach, and to destroy even the little stock of medicines which the private physician might chance to have on hand. When General Milroy banished from Winchester, Virginia, the family of Mr. Loyd Logan, because the General (and his wife) fancied his elegantly furnished mansion for headquarters, he not only forbade their carrying with them a change of raiment, and refused to allow Mrs. Logan to take one of her spoons with which to administer medicine to a sick child, but he most emphatically prohibited their carrying a small medicine chest, or even a few phials of medicine which the physician had prescribed for immediate u
uffice for their accommodation. With such an object before him, there is little reason to doubt the evidence of the bad quality and the insufficient amount of food furnished. The Secretary, in his report, quotes three witnesses (Frost, Jones and Park), to the effect that the same rations were issued to the guard — a disputed point not perhaps very important to settle, as it is not denied that there were abundant supplies at Americus and elsewhere in the vicinity, in a region which Sherman foungainst him were false. The Nation then proceeds to ring the same old charges on the horrors of Andersonville which we have heard for years, and utterly ignores the testimony which we introduced on the other side. We gave the statements of Mr. L. M. Park, of La Grange, Georgia (for whom we vouched as a gentleman of unimpeachable character), who was on duty at Andersonville nearly the whole of the time it was a prison, and who gives the most emphatic testimony to the effect that the water used
Benjamin Hill (search for this): chapter 4.32
when collated and compared) are an end to the controversy so far as showing that if the Confederates were cruel to prisoners, it does not lie in the mouths of the United States authorities, or their apologists, to condemn them. Let them first purge themselves of the charge before they try to blacken the Confederacy with it. No wonder that attempts have been made to explain away these figures, and even to deny their authenticity--one bold man charging that Jeff. Davis manufactured them for Ben. Hill's use ; but all such attempts have proven ludicrous failures. Mr. Blaine, with full time to prepare his reply and all of the reports at hand, did not dare to deny their authenticity, but only endeavored to break their force by the following lame explanation: Now, in regard to the relative number of prisoners that died in the North and the South respectively, the gentleman undertook to show that a great many more prisoners died in the hands of the Union authorities than in the hands
plainly enough the state of things. Colonel Chandler, who was sent by the Secretary of War, Colonel Seddon, to investigate the charges, briefly reported in August, 1864, that it was a place the horro or in any way countenanced their atrocities. But we did publish incidentally letters from Secretary Seddon, ex-President Davis, Adjutant-General S. Cooper, Colonel George W. Brent and General G. T. etters from Hon. R. G. H. Kean, former Chief Clerk of the Confederate War Department, and ex-Secretary Seddon, showing conclusively that so far from failing to notice the statements in reference to Acretary of War put the strong endorsements upon the report which we quoted, but the Secretary (Mr. Seddon) at once demanded of General Winder an explanation, which he gave, emphatically denying Colonehe matter was, unfortunately, ended by the death of General Winder. We showed, moreover, that Mr. Seddon at once, on the reception of the Chandler report, sent Judge Ould down the rive, under flag of
Thaddeus Stevens (search for this): chapter 4.32
ntlemen who were unwilling to go on Mr. Davis' bail bond until the charge against him of cruelty to prisoners was cleared up. Judge Shea went to Canada and had access to certain Confederate archives which had escaped capture, and he investigated all of the evidence which the Bureau of military justice had at Washington. The result was that he was not only convinced himself, but succeeded in convincing such men as Governor Andrew, Horace Greeley, Gerritt Smith, Vice-President Wilson and Thaddeus Stevens, that the charge against Mr. Davis of even connivance at cruelty to prisoners was utterly without foundation. The United States authorities did not dare to bring Mr. Davis to trial on this or on any other charge, simply because, after the most industrious efforts, they could find no testimony which created even a reasonable presumption of guilt. But these judicial gentlemen of The Nation undertake to convict where the Bureau of military justice hesitated, and affect to regard Mr. Da
Horace Greeley (search for this): chapter 4.32
anybody else, even to save my life. We brought out the proofs of all these facts. Moreover we published the letter of Chief-Justice George Shea, to the New York Tribune, giving an account of his investigation of this question in behalf of Mr. Horace Greeley and other gentlemen who were unwilling to go on Mr. Davis' bail bond until the charge against him of cruelty to prisoners was cleared up. Judge Shea went to Canada and had access to certain Confederate archives which had escaped capture, and he investigated all of the evidence which the Bureau of military justice had at Washington. The result was that he was not only convinced himself, but succeeded in convincing such men as Governor Andrew, Horace Greeley, Gerritt Smith, Vice-President Wilson and Thaddeus Stevens, that the charge against Mr. Davis of even connivance at cruelty to prisoners was utterly without foundation. The United States authorities did not dare to bring Mr. Davis to trial on this or on any other charge, sim
s the overcrowding. When, on the death of General Winder in the spring of 1865, General Imboden toot the rate of over one hundred a day, that General Winder advocated deliberately and in cold blood ttributed to them. The responsibility of General Winder and Lieutenant Wirz for all this cannot bevilization, and recommended the removal of General Winder. General Cooper, the Inspector-General, enabsent on sick leave in Angusta, Georgia.) General Winder had gangrene of the face, and was forbidde historian who thinks that this refusal of General Winder and Lieutenant Wirz to furnish shelter waswe wrote. We did not justify a refusal of General Winder and Lieutenant Wirz to furnish shelter (onSecretary (Mr. Seddon) at once demanded of General Winder an explanation, which he gave, emphaticall was, unfortunately, ended by the death of General Winder. We showed, moreover, that Mr. Seddon at dler report the ground of the promotion of General Winder, he did not see the report at the time, an[9 more...]
Joseph Jones (search for this): chapter 4.32
bad quality and the insufficient amount of food furnished. The Secretary, in his report, quotes three witnesses (Frost, Jones and Park), to the effect that the same rations were issued to the guard — a disputed point not perhaps very important to e hospitals, and, in the face of outspoken reports from the surgeons in charge, reported that action was not required. Dr. Jones, however, who was specially sent there by the Government for scientific investigation, made a report which, though one-re utterly beyond the control of the Confederate authorities. We published also an able and exhaustive paper from Dr. Joseph Jones, of New Orleans (a gentleman who stands in the very front rank of his profession), who offically investigated and ree made. The Nation ignores most of this testimony, and uses what it alludes to very much as Judge Advocate Chipman did Dr. Jones' report in the Wirz trial--i. e., uses it to prove that great suffering and mortality existed at Andersonville, but sup
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