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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. Search the whole document.

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Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 2.23
ons of 1800 and ensuing terms South Carolina and Calhoun the Compromise of 1833 action of Massachusetts in 1843-45 opinions of John Quincy Adams necessity for secession. From the earliest pests. Madison Papers, p. 1006. Rufus King, a distinguished member of the convention from Massachusetts, a few days afterward said, to the same effect: He was fully convinced that the question conto the Union, such an act of admission would have no binding force whatever on the people of Massachusetts. 3. Resolved, That the power, never having been granted by the people of Massachusetts, tMassachusetts, to admit into the Union States and Territories not within the same when the Constitution was adopted, remains with the people, and can only be exercised in such way and manner as the people shall herea doctrine of nullification—may be added the avowal of one of the most distinguished sons of Massachusetts, John Quincy Adams, in his discourse before the New York Historical Society, in 1839: Na
Madison (Wisconsin, United States) (search for this): chapter 2.23
South Carolina and Calhoun the Compromise of 1833 action of Massachusetts in 1843-45 opinions of John Quincy Adams necessity for secession. From the earliest period, it was foreseen by the wisest of our statesmen that a danger to the perpetuity of the Union would arise from the conflicting interests of different sections, and every effort was made to secure each of these classes of interests against aggression by the other. As a proof of this may be cited the following extract from Madison's report of a speech made by himself in the Philadelphia convention on June 30, 1787: He admitted that every peculiar interest, whether in any class of citizens or any description of States, ought to be secured as far as possible. Wherever there is danger of attack, there ought to be given a constitutional power of defense. But he contended that the States were divided into different interests, not by their difference of size, but by other circumstances; the most material of which res
Texas (Texas, United States) (search for this): chapter 2.23
es from other quarters. The declaration of these rights by the New England states and their representatives, on the acquisition of Louisiana in 1803, on the admission of the state of that name in 1811-12, and on the question of the annexation of Texas in 1843-45, have been referred to in another place. Among the resolutions of the Massachusetts legislature, in relation to the proposed annexation of Texas, adopted in February, 1845, were the following: 2. Resolved, That there has hithertoTexas, adopted in February, 1845, were the following: 2. Resolved, That there has hitherto been no precedent of the admission of a foreign state or foreign territory into the Union by legislation, granted in the Constitution of the United States to Congress, do not embrace a case of the admission of a foreign state or foreign territory, by legislation, into the Union, such an act of admission would have no binding force whatever on the people of Massachusetts. 3. Resolved, That the power, never having been granted by the people of Massachusetts, to admit into the Union States and
Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 2.23
om the defense of violated charters and faithless aggression on inalienable rights, it might, a priori, be assumed that they would require something more potential than mere promises to protect them from human depravity and human ambition. That they did so is to be found in the debates both of the general and the state conventions, where state interposition was often declared to be the bulwark against usurpation. At an early period in the history of the federal government, the states of Kentucky and Virginia found reason to reassert this right of state interposition. In the first of the famous resolutions drawn by Jefferson in 1798, and with some modification adopted by the legislature of Kentucky in November of that year, it is declared that, whensoever the General Government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force; that to this compact each State acceded as a State, and is an integral party; that this Government, created by this compact, w
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 2.23
failure State Interpositions the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions their endorsement by the people in the presidential Elections of 1800 and ensuing terms South Carolina and Calhoun the Compromise of 1833 action of Massachusetts in 1843-45 opinions of John Quincy Adams necessity for secession. From the earliest period,on to sectional. At a critical and memorable period, that pure spirit, luminous intellect, and devoted adherent of the Constitution, the great statesman of South Carolina, invoked this remedy of state interposition against the Tariff Act of 1828, which was deemed injurious and oppressive to his state. No purpose was then decla for the sovereignty of states and of regard for the limitations of the Constitution—to prevent a conflict of arms. The compromise of 1833 was adopted, which South Carolina agreed to accept, the principle for which she contended being virtually conceded. Meantime there had been no lack, as we have already seen, of assertions o
Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 2.23
r the sovereignty of states and of regard for the limitations of the Constitution—to prevent a conflict of arms. The compromise of 1833 was adopted, which South Carolina agreed to accept, the principle for which she contended being virtually conceded. Meantime there had been no lack, as we have already seen, of assertions of the sovereign rights of the states from other quarters. The declaration of these rights by the New England states and their representatives, on the acquisition of Louisiana in 1803, on the admission of the state of that name in 1811-12, and on the question of the annexation of Texas in 1843-45, have been referred to in another place. Among the resolutions of the Massachusetts legislature, in relation to the proposed annexation of Texas, adopted in February, 1845, were the following: 2. Resolved, That there has hitherto been no precedent of the admission of a foreign state or foreign territory into the Union by legislation, granted in the Constitution of
North America (search for this): chapter 2.23
struction of which was so eminently adapted to indefinite expansion of the confederacy as to embrace every variety of production and consequent diversity of pursuit. Carried out in the spirit in which it was devised, there was in this system no element of disintegration, but every facility for an enlargement of the circle of the family of states (or nations), so that it scarcely seemed unreasonable to look forward to a fulfillment of the aspiration of Hamilton, that it might extend over North America, perhaps over the whole continent. Not at all incompatible with these views and purposes was the recognition of the right of the states to reassume, if occasion should require it, the powers which they had delegated. On the contrary, the maintenance of this right was the surest guarantee of the perpetuity of the Union, and the denial of it sounded the first serious note of its dissolution. The conservative efficiency of state interposition for maintenance of the essential principles
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 2.23
description of States, ought to be secured as far as possible. Wherever there is danger of attack, there ought to be given a constitutional power of defense. But he contended that the States were divided into different interests, not by their difference of size, but by other circumstances; the most material of which resulted from climate, but principally from the effects of their having or not having slaves. These two causes concurred in forming the great division of interests in the United States. It did not lie between the large and small States; it lay between the Northern and Southern; and, if any defensive power were necessary, it ought to be mutually given to these two interests. Madison Papers, p. 1006. Rufus King, a distinguished member of the convention from Massachusetts, a few days afterward said, to the same effect: He was fully convinced that the question concerning a difference of interests did not lie where it had hitherto been discussed, between the great and
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 2.23
the spirit in which the Union had been founded—enough of respect for the sovereignty of states and of regard for the limitations of the Constitution—to prevent a conflict of arms. The compromise of 1833 was adopted, which South Carolina agreed to accept, the principle for which she contended being virtually conceded. Meantime there had been no lack, as we have already seen, of assertions of the sovereign rights of the states from other quarters. The declaration of these rights by the New England states and their representatives, on the acquisition of Louisiana in 1803, on the admission of the state of that name in 1811-12, and on the question of the annexation of Texas in 1843-45, have been referred to in another place. Among the resolutions of the Massachusetts legislature, in relation to the proposed annexation of Texas, adopted in February, 1845, were the following: 2. Resolved, That there has hitherto been no precedent of the admission of a foreign state or foreign terr
John C. Calhoun (search for this): chapter 2.23
Chapter 14: Early Foreshadowings opinions of Madison and Rufus King safeguards provided their failure State Interpositions the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions their endorsement by the people in the presidential Elections of 1800 and ensuing terms South Carolina and Calhoun the Compromise of 1833 action of Massachusetts in 1843-45 opinions of John Quincy Adams necessity for secession. From the earliest period, it was foreseen by the wisest of our statesmen that a danger to the perpetuity of the Union would arise from the conflicting interests of different sections, and every effort was made to secure each of these classes of interests against aggression by the other. As a proof of this may be cited the following extract from Madison's report of a speech made by himself in the Philadelphia convention on June 30, 1787: He admitted that every peculiar interest, whether in any class of citizens or any description of States, ought to be secured as far as p
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