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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. Search the whole document.

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Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 5.53
right to settle the question of boundary between Texas and Mexico. Texas was not annexted as a Territory, but was admitted ated States the right to define her boundary by treaty with Mexico; but the United States, in the treaty made with Mexico subMexico subsequent to the war with that country, received from Mexico not merely a cession of the territory that was claimed by Texas, Mexico not merely a cession of the territory that was claimed by Texas, but much that lay beyond the asserted limits. Shall we, then, acting simply as the agent of Texas in the settlement of thisich belongs to her, to which we asserted her title against Mexico, and appropriate it to ourselves? Why, sir, it would be a as though slaves were the only property under the laws of Mexico prohibited from entering California. It is to be remembero liberated. It was the emancipation of all the slaves in Mexico; an act, if you please, of abolition, not of prohibition; nal obligations, and our obligations under the treaty with Mexico to organize governments in the Territories of California a
Edgefield (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): chapter 5.53
stitutional law—presided over that Convention. After calm and mature deliberation, resolutions were adopted, not in the spirit of disunion, but announcing, in the first resolution of the series, their attachment to the Union. They call on their brethren of the South to unite with them in their holy purpose of preserving the Constitution, which is its only bond and reliable hope. This was their object; and for this and for no other purpose do they propose to meet in general convention at Nashville. As I stated on a former occasion, this was not a party movement in Mississippi. The presiding officer belongs to the political minority in the State; the two parties in the State were equally represented in the numbers of the Convention, and its deliberations assumed no partisan or political character whatever. It was the result of primary meetings in the counties; an assemblage of men known throughout the State, having first met and intimated to those counties a time when the State Co
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 5.53
forbear commenting at any further length upon the propositions embraced in the resolutions at this time. Remarks of Davis of Mississippi in the Senate of the United States, on the question of the reception of a memorial from inhabitants of Pennsylvania and Delaware, presented by Hale of New Hampshire, praying that Congress would adopt measures for an immediate and peaceful dissolution of the Union. February 8, 1850. Mr. President: I rise merely to make a few remarks upon the right of peation, therefore, that rests upon us under the Constitution, upon every great principle upon which the Constitution is founded, we are bound to abate this as a great and growing evil. This petition, sir, was well described by the Senator from Pennsylvania as being spurious; and I have been assured of the fact, from other sources of information, that petitions are sent round in reference to other subjects —of temperance, generally—and, after a long list of names has been obtained, the caption is
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 5.53
ines of Madison and Jefferson. You must refer these in their turn to the principles in which originated the Revolution and separation of these then colonies from England. You must not stop there, but go back still further, to the bold spirit of the ancient barons of England. That spirit has come down to us, and in that spirit haEngland. That spirit has come down to us, and in that spirit has all the action since been taken. We will not permit aggressions. We will defend our rights; and, if it be necessary, we will claim from this Government, as the barons of England claimed from John, the grant of another Magna Charta for our protection. Sir, I can but consider it as a tribute of respect to the character for canEngland claimed from John, the grant of another Magna Charta for our protection. Sir, I can but consider it as a tribute of respect to the character for candor and sincerity which the South maintains, that every movement which occurs in the Southern States is closely scrutinized, and the assertion of a determination to maintain their constitutional rights is denounced as a movement of disunion; while violent denunciations against the Union are now made, and for years have been made, a
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 5.53
seems to prevail with the majority in the United States, I wish to read from the journals of that the stipulations of the treaty between the United States and Spain of the 22d of February, 1819; ane, by the terms of annexation, gave to the United States the right to define her boundary by treaty and that a portion of the citizens of the United States shall thus be precluded from going there wvileges among citizens of all parts of the United States; that Mexican law shall not be applied so slaves may be taken there from any of the United States at the option of their owners. I can neveh to go into any of the Territories of the United States with any and every species of property helo assume sovereignty over territory of the United States; that we may at least, I say, assert the r conditions on which other citizens of the United States may enter it. To reach all this knowledge,peace, concord, and lasting harmony to the United States—will give us some substantial proposition,[4 more...]
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5.53
egislation for the dissolution of the Union—offensive to the Senate and to the whole country. If this Union is ever to be dissolved, it must be by the action of the States and their people. Whatever power Congress holds, it holds under the Constitution, and that power is but a part of the Union. Congress has no power to legislate upon that which will be the destruction of the whole foundation upon which its authority rests. I recollect, a good many years ago, that the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. John Davis], who addressed the Senate this morning, very pointedly described the right of petition as a very humble right—as the mere right to beg. This is my own view. The right peaceably to assemble, I hold as the right which it was intended to grant to the people; that was the only right which had ever been denied in our colonial condition. The right of petition had never been denied by Parliament. It was intended only to secure to the people, I say, the right peaceably to ass
Tennessee (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): chapter 5.53
arning be construed as a threat. We can not, without the most humiliating confession of the supremacy of faction, evade our constitutional obligations, and our obligations under the treaty with Mexico to organize governments in the Territories of California and New Mexico. I trust that we will not seek to escape from the responsibility, and leave the country unprovided for, unless by an irregular admission of new States; that we will act upon the good example of Washington in the case of Tennessee, and of Jefferson in the case of Louisiana; that we will not, if we abandon those high standards, do more than come down to modern examples; that we will not go further than to permit those who have the forms of government, under the Constitution, to assume sovereignty over territory of the United States; that we may at least, I say, assert the right to know who they are, how many they are—where they voted, how they voted—and whose certificate is presented to us of the fact, before it is c
Mexico (Mexico) (search for this): chapter 5.53
d that that decree should be repealed, or that those liberated under its provisions should be returned to slavery. We only claim that there shall be an equality of immunities and privileges among citizens of all parts of the United States; that Mexican law shall not be applied so as to create inequality between citizens, by preventing the immigration of any. But, sir, we are called on to receive this as a measure of compromise! Is a measure in which we of the minority are to receive nothinits of whatever might result from the service to which he was contributing whatever power he possessed. Nor will it be difficult to conceive, of the many sons of the South whose blood has stained those battle-fields, whose ashes now mingle with Mexican earth, that some when they last looked on the flag of their country, may have felt their dying moments embittered by the recollection that that flag cast not an equal shadow of protection over the land of their birth, the graves of their parents
Florida (Florida, United States) (search for this): chapter 5.53
strict; and that any act or measure of Congress designed to abolish slavery in this District would be a violation of the faith implied in the cessions by the States of Virginia and Maryland; a just cause of alarm to the people of the slaveholding States, and have a direct and inevitable tendency to disturb and endanger the Union. And, resolved, That it would be highly inexpedient to abolish slavery within any district of country set apart for the Indian tribes, where it now exists, or in Florida, the only Territory of the United States in which it now exists, because of the serious alarm and just apprehensions which would be thereby excited in the States sustaining that domestic institution; because the people of that Territory have not asked it to be done, and, when admitted into the Union, will be exclusively entitled to decide that question for themselves; because it would be in violation of the stipulations of the treaty between the United States and Spain of the 22d of Februar
Dominican Republic (Dominican Republic) (search for this): chapter 5.53
the penitentiaries and poorhouses, objects of scorn, excluded in some places from the schools, and deprived of many other privileges and benefits which attach to the white men among whom they live. And yet, they insist that elsewhere an institution which has proved beneficial to this race shall be abolished, that it may be substituted by a state of things which is fraught with so many evils to the race which they claim to be the object of their solicitude! Do they find in the history of St. Domingo, and in the present condition of Jamaica, under the recent experiments which have been made upon the institution of slavery in the liberation of the blacks, before God, in his wisdom, designed it should be done—do they there find anything to stimulate them to future exertion in the cause of abolition? Or should they not find there satisfactory evidence that their past course was founded in error? And is it not the part of integrity and wisdom, as soon as they can, to retrace their steps
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