lification, for there is rarely a fallacy, however stupendous, that is wholly original.
A careful examination of the records of the convention of 1787 exhibits one or perhaps two instances of such a suggestion—both by the same person—and the result in each case is strikingly significant.
The original proposition made concerning the office of President of the United States contemplated his election by the Congress, or, as it was termed by the proposer, the national Legislature.
On the 17th of July, this proposition being under consideration, Gouverneur Morris moved that the words national Legislature be stricken out, and citizens of the United States inserted.
The proposition was supported by James Wilson—both of these gentlemen being delegates from Pennsylvania, and both among the most earnest advocates of centralism in the convention.
Now, it is not at all certain that Morris had in view an election by the citizens of the United States in the aggregate, voting as one people.
ptable at the time, from considerations which appeared so weighty as to more than counterbalance its proposed advantages.
Informed of these views, and of the decision of the War Department, I then made my preparations for the stoutest practicable defense of the line of Bull Run, the enemy having developed his purpose, by the advance on and occupation of Fairfax Court-House, from which my advance brigade had been withdrawn.
The War Department having been informed by me, by telegraph on July 17th, of the movement of General McDowell, General Johnston was immediately ordered to form a junction of his army corps with mine, should the movement in his judgment be deemed advisable.
General Holmes was also directed to push forward with two regiments, a battery, and one company of cavalry.
The foregoing was copied from The Land we Love, for February, 1867 (Vol.
II, No. 4).
The order issued by the War Department to General Johnston was not, as herein reported, to fo