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rties the question of representation Compromise effected Randolph's resolutions the word national condemned plan of Government framed difficulty with regard to ratification, and its solution provision for secession from the Union views of Gerry and Madison false Interpretations close of the convention. When the convention met in Philadelphia in May, 1787, it soon became evident that the work before it would take a wider range and involve more radical changes in the Federal Constitutual, and its terms and articles to be inviolably observed by every State. Opposition was made to the provision on this very ground—that it was virtually a dissolution of the Union, and that it would furnish a precedent for future secessions. Gerry, a distinguished member from Massachusetts—afterward Vice-President of the United States—said, If nine out of thirteen (States) can dissolve the compact, six out of nine will be just as able to dissolve the future one hereafter. Madison, who w<
be deducible. Now it happens that these very terms—compact, confederacy, accede, and the like—were the terms in familiar use by the authors of the Constitution and their associates with reference to that instrument and its ratification. Other writers, who have examined the subject since the late war gave it an interest which it had never commanded before, have collected such an array of evidence in this behalf that it is necessary only to cite a few examples. The following language of Gerry of Massachusetts in the convention of 1787, has already been referred to: If nine out of thirteen States can dissolve the compact, six out of nine will be just as able to dissolve the new one hereafter. Gouverneur Morris, one of the most pronounced advocates of a strong central government in the convention, said: He came here to form a compact for the good of Americans. He was ready to do so with all the States. He hoped and believed they all would enter into such a compact. If they wou
tly purchase it by yielding national powers. From this, it might be understood in what light she would view an attempt to abridge one of her favorite prerogatives. If left to herself, she may probably put a stop to the evil. As one ground for this conjecture, he took notice of the sect of ——, which, he said was a respectable class of people who carried their ethics beyond the mere equality of men, extending their humanity to the claims of the whole animal creation. Ibid., p. 459. Mr. Gerry thought we had nothing to do with the conduct of the States as to slaves, but ought to be careful not to give any sanction to it. Ibid. Mr. King thought the subject should be considered in a political light only. If two States will not agree to the Constitution, as stated on one side, he could affirm with equal belief, on the other, that great and equal opposition would be experienced from the other States. He remarked on the exemption of slaves from duty, while every other import w
Friends, Society of, 2. Frost, Gen. D. M., 356-57. Fugitives, rendition laws, 12-13, 37, 68-69. G Gage, General, 100-101. Gaillard, John, 9. Gardner, Captain, 326-327. Colonel, 306, 326. Garnett, Gen., Robert, 293-94, 319, 321, 374. Gatchell, William H., 290-91. Georgia. Slavery question, 1, 2. Instructions to delegates to Constitutional convention, 79. Ratification of Constitution, 92. Ordinance of secession, 189. Germantown (ship), 285. Gerry, Elbridge, 86, 117. Gorgas, Gen. J., 409. Chief of ordnance for Confederacy, 269. Extract from monograph on development of ordnance supply, 412-13. Grant, Gen. Ulysses S., 345-46, 347. Greeley, Horace, 219, 252. Green, James S., 53. Grimes, 58. H Hale, —, 456. Hamilton, Alexander, 94, 117, 135, 137, 139, 152, 159, 219. Remarks on sovereignty, 122, 127-28. Extracts from political essays, 137-38. Opposition to armed force against states, 151. Hamlin, —, 42, 44.