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by the methods we have used in the cases of Porto Rico and the Hawaiian and Philippine Islands. Bue of the power. The islands of Hawaii, of Porto Rico, and of the Philippine Archipelago have beenomething improper. To call them citizens of Porto Rico is to leave their relations to the United St suspected by him. Sec. 10. Any person in Porto Rico, in civil life, may be put upon trial for carizona, or Oklahoma might be substituted for Porto Rico in the bill: for, I think, those who affirm m allowing the application of this clause to Porto Rico. It was to deny that the Territories are paStates, to be expended for local purposes in Porto Rico, if the island is not a part of the United St come at some cost. That we give back to Porto Rico all of the revenue derived from the customs ges, and no throat of disorder, in accepting Porto Rico to be a part of the United States--in that c power of Congress to allow the admission to Porto Rico of all raw materials coming from other count[16 more...]
pain has been effectively ousted. It is very certain, I suppose, that if Great Britain had, during our Revolutionary struggle, concluded a treaty of cession of th American subjects. Have you ever read one of our commercial treaties with Great Britain or Germany, or any other of the kingdoms of the world? These treaties provreason and prescribing the necessary proofs is a Bill of Rights provision. In England, under Edward II., there was, it was said, no man who knew how to behave himseing treasons, James Wilson declares, may well be styled the legal Gibraltar of England. (Wilson's Works [Andrews] vol. II., p. 413.) Mr. Madison, speaking of th when there will be no more room — the Empire will begin to decline. If (Great Britain, with her accepted methods of territorial growth. finds the problem of grossed now, the attempted conquest of the Boer republics has not strengthened Great Britain. She has not gained esteem. She has not increased her loyal population.
tates of the Union. If this view were allowed, the attitude of the courts to the question would not be much changed; for they could not inquire as to the purpose of Congress, nor, I suppose, overrule the judgment of Congress as to the adaptability of territory for the creation of States. The appeal would be to Congress to limit the use of the power. The islands of Hawaii, of Porto Rico, and of the Philippine Archipelago have been taken over, not for a temporary purpose, as in the case of Cuba, but to have and to hold forever as a part of the region over which the sovereignty of the United States extends. We have not put ourselves under any pledge as to them — at least, not of a written sort. Indeed, we have not, it is said, made up our minds as to anything affecting the Philippines, save this — that they are a part of our national domain, anti that the inhabitants must yield obedience to the sovereignty of the United States so long as we choose to hold them. Our title to the
Alaska (Alaska, United States) (search for this): entry annexed-territory-status-of
tions to these answers. We have done something out of line with American history, not in the matter of territorial expansion, but in the character of it. Heretofore the regions we have taken over have been contiguous to us, save in the case of Alaska--And, indeed, Alaska is contiguous, in the sense of being near. These annexed regions were also, at the time of annexation, either unpeopled or very sparsely peopled by civilized men, and were further, by their situation, climate, and soil, adapAlaska is contiguous, in the sense of being near. These annexed regions were also, at the time of annexation, either unpeopled or very sparsely peopled by civilized men, and were further, by their situation, climate, and soil, adapted to the use of an increasing American population. We have now acquired insular regions, situated in the tropics and in another hemisphere, and hence unsuitable for American settlers, even if they were not, as they are, already populated and their lands already largely taken up. We have taken over peoples rather than lands, and these chiefly of other race stocks — for there are diversities of tongues. The native labor is cheap and threatens competition, and there is a total absence of Ame
Savannah (Georgia, United States) (search for this): entry annexed-territory-status-of
g and disbursement of Federal taxes derived from the Territories, the veto power, and many other things, are pursued as if the Constitution applied to the cases. But, in theory, it is claimed by these that no part of the Constitution applies except the Thirteenth Amendment, which prohibits slavery, and that only because the prohibition expressly includes any place subject to their jurisdiction. This amendment was proposed by Congress on Feb. 1, 1865--the day on which Sherman's army left Savannah on its northern march; and the words any place subject to their jurisdiction were probably added because of the uncertainty as to the legal status of the States in rebellion, and not because of any doubt as to whether Nebraska, then a Territory, was a part of the United States. The view that some other general limitations of the Constitution upon the powers of Congress lust relate to all regions and all persons was, however, adopted by some members of the Senate Committee in the report u
Hawaii (Hawaii, United States) (search for this): entry annexed-territory-status-of
limited to certain ends: that it can only be used to acquire territory that is to be, or is capable of being, erected into States of the Union. If this view were allowed, the attitude of the courts to the question would not be much changed; for they could not inquire as to the purpose of Congress, nor, I suppose, overrule the judgment of Congress as to the adaptability of territory for the creation of States. The appeal would be to Congress to limit the use of the power. The islands of Hawaii, of Porto Rico, and of the Philippine Archipelago have been taken over, not for a temporary purpose, as in the case of Cuba, but to have and to hold forever as a part of the region over which the sovereignty of the United States extends. We have not put ourselves under any pledge as to them — at least, not of a written sort. Indeed, we have not, it is said, made up our minds as to anything affecting the Philippines, save this — that they are a part of our national domain, anti that the inh
United States (United States) (search for this): entry annexed-territory-status-of
to Rico is to leave their relations to the United States wholly undefined. Now, in studying the free civilized inhabitants citizens of the United States, the Constitution should, naturally, be ex jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States. This disposes of the question, unless itilized people under the sovereignty of the United States, unless their inapplicability appears frod man and woman who owes allegiance to the United States; that the use of the term throughout the UConstitution says that treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against eral welfare is the general welfare of the United States, must be a part of the United States, and United States, and its people citizens of the United States. For the first time Congress has laid tariff duties upotile government. The question whether the United States can take over or continue to hold and govefor these cases. The question whether the United States shall hold conquered territory, or territo[47 more...]
il it as an emblem of emancipation. while the governor we have sent then reads a proclamation, from the foot of the staff, announcing the absolute power of Congress over them? How would the pioneers of the West have regarded a declaration that they were not citizens of the United States, or a duty laid upon the furs then sent to the States, or upon the salt and gunpowder sent from the States in exchange, even if a preference of eighty-five per cent. had been given them over the people of Canada? It is safe to say that no such interpretation of the Constitution, or of the rights of the people of a Territory, will ever be offered to men of American descent. If the Constitution, so far as it is applicable, attaches itself, whether Congress will or no, to all territory taken over as a part of the permanent territory of the United States, it is there to stay as fundamental law. But if it is not so, an act of Congress declaring that the Constitution is extended is not fundamental law
Providence, R. I. (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): entry annexed-territory-status-of
tion of whose products might affect the home industries unfavorably, and the admission of whose people to citizenship might imply future Statehood — or at least the right of migration and settlement in the States of an undesirable population. That the diversity of tongues in the Philippines, and the utter lack of the American likeness in everything there, presented strong reasons against the acquisition of the islands, I freely admit. It must also be conceded that when, as we are told, Providence laid upon us the heavy duty of taking over and governing these islands, it was very natural that we should seek to find a way of governing them that would save us from some of the unpleasant consequences which a discharge of the duty in the old way involved. But do we not incur a greater loss and peril from that new doctrine, that our Congress and executive have powers not derived from the Constitution, and are subject to no restraint or limitations in the Territories, save such as they m
Arizona (Arizona, United States) (search for this): entry annexed-territory-status-of
l, or not, be confronted with the witnesses against him, and have compulsory process to secure his own witnesses, as the presiding judge may in his discretion order. Sec. 12. There shall be no right in any suit at common law to demand a jury. Sec. 13. A direct tax is imposed upon Porto Rico for Federal uses without regard to its relative population; the tariff rates at San Juan are fixed at 50 per cent., and those at Ponce at 15 per cent. of those levied at New York. New Mexico, or Arizona, or Oklahoma might be substituted for Porto Rico in the bill: for, I think, those who affirm that the Constitution has no relation to Porto Rico do so upon grounds that equally apply to all other Territories. Now, no one supposes that Congress will ever assemble in a law such shocking provisions. But, for themselves, our fathers were not content with an assurance of these great rights that rested wholly upon the sense of justice and benevolence of the Congress. The man whose protection
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