hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
United States (United States) 1,974 0 Browse Search
Doc 578 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln 485 1 Browse Search
Maryland (Maryland, United States) 430 0 Browse Search
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) 416 0 Browse Search
England (United Kingdom) 310 0 Browse Search
Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) 304 0 Browse Search
Baltimore, Md. (Maryland, United States) 253 1 Browse Search
Robert Anderson 242 4 Browse Search
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) 192 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore). Search the whole document.

Found 217 total hits in 64 results.

... 2 3 4 5 6 7
mes whether he were really the head of the Government. To-day he is at any rate Commander-in-chief. The delay in the action of Government has doubtless been necessity, but policy also. Traitors within and without made it hesitate to move till it had tried the machine of the Government just given it. But delay was wise, as it matured a public opinion definite, decisive, and ready to keep step to the music of the Government march. The very postponement of another session of Congress till July 4, plainly invites discussion — evidently contemplates the ripening of public opinion in the interval. Fairly to examine public affairs, and prepare a community wise to cooperate with the Government, is the duty of every pulpit and every press. Plain words, therefore, now, before the nation goes mad with excitement, is every man's duty. Every public meeting in Athens was opened with a curse on any one who should not speak what he really thought. I have never defiled my conscience from fe
d take warning against resisting the principles of Popular Sovereignty. The Tribune, whose unflinching fidelity and matchless ability, make it, in this tight, the white plume of Navarre, has again and again avowed its readiness to waive forms and go into convention. We have waited. We said, any thing for peace. We obeyed the magnanimous statesmanship of John Quincy Adams. Let me read you his advice, given at the Jubilee of the Constitution, to the New York Historical Society, in the year 1839, he says: Recognizing this right of the people of a State--mark you, not a State, the Constitution knows no States; the right of revolution knows no States; it knows only the people. Mr. Adams says: The people of each State in the Union have a right to secede from the Confederated Union itself. Thus stands the right. But the indissoluble link of union between the people of the several States of this Confederated Nation is, after all, not in the right, but in the heart. If the da
April 28th (search for this): chapter 85
e. Europe may think — some of us may — that we are fighting for forms and parchments, for sovereignty and a flag. But really, the war is one of opinion; it is Civilization against Barbarism — it is Freedom against Slavery. The cannon shots against Fort Sumter was the yell of pirates against the Declaration of Independence: the war-cry of the North is its echo. The South, defying Christianity, clutches its victim. The North offers its wealth and blood in glad atonement for the selfishness of seventy years. The result is as sure as the Throne of God. I believe in the possibility of Justice, in the certainty of Union. Years hence, when the smoke of this conflict clears away, the world will see under our banner all tongues, all creeds, all races--one brotherhood; and on the banks of the Potomac, the Genius of Liberty, robed in light, four and thirty stars for her diadem, broken chains under her feet, and an olive branch in her right hand. (Great applause.)--N. Y. Times, April 28
eld by two races, white and black. Suppose those black men flare in our faces the Declaration of Independence. What are we to say? Are we to send Northern bayonets to keep slaves under the feet of Jefferson Davis? (Many voices--No, never. ) In 1842, Gov. Wise, of Virginia, the symbol of the South, entered into argument with Quincy Adams, who carried Plymouth Rock to Washington. (Applause.) It was when Joshua Giddings offered his resolution stating his Constitutional doctrine that Congress hl, is this besieged Government to see millions of its subjects in arms, and have no right to break the fetters which they are forging into swords? No; the war power of the Government can sweep this institution into the Gulf. (Cheers.) Ever since 1842, that statesmanlike claim and warning of the North has been on record, spoken by the lips of her most moderate, wisest, coolest, most patriotic son. (Applause.) When the South cannonaded Fort Sumter, the bones of Adams stirred in his coffin.
... 2 3 4 5 6 7