Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Edward Everett or search for Edward Everett in all documents.

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) We must be either on the one side or the other! It has come to that, and we cannot now evade it. (Hear, hear.) The responsibility is now upon you to vindicate the honor and dignity of your institutions, and from this you cannot escape. Those States which obey the law, are the only ones now you are bound to maintain and keep. We are here to-day in their behalf, and I am glad to state that we are here without distinction of party. (Applause.) We know neither Republicans, Democrats, Bell-Everett men, nor any other; but we are here to state, and to proclaim strongly and loudly, that we shall stand by the Union to the last, and support it against those who would attempt to overthrow it. (Loud and long continued cheers.) This platform we are determined to stand upon, and all other platforms placed in antagonism to it shall be broken away like the grass before the fire of the mountain prairies. (Tremendous cheers.) I ask you to look at those thirteen stripes (pointing to the flag on t
Doc. 111.--speech of Edward Everett, at Chester Square, Boston, April 27, 1861. Fellow-citizens and friends: The great assemblage that I see around me, the simple but interesting ceremonial with which the flag of our country has been thrown to the breeze, the strains of inspiring music, the sweet concert of these youthful voices, the solemn supplication of the reverend clergyman which still fills our ears — all these proclaim the deep, patriotic sentiment, of which that flag is the symbol and expression. Nay, more, it speaks for itself. Its mute eloquence needs no aid from my lips to interpret its significance. Fidelity to the Union blazes from its stars; allegiance to the Government, beneath which we live, is wrapped within its folds. We set up this standard, my friends, not as a matter of idle display; but as an expressive indication that in the mighty struggle which has been forced upon us, we are of one heart and one mind, that the government of the country must be sust
Doc. 145.-address of Edward Everett,--at Roxbury, Mass., May 8, 1861. Mr. Chairman, ladies, and gentlemen:--The object which brings us together, even if it had not been so satisfactorily stated and so persuasively enforced by the gentlemen who have preceded me, sufficiently explains itself. At the call of the President, seconded with the most praiseworthy and almost unexampled energy by the Governor of Massachusetts, a numerous force of volunteers has patriotically hastened to the defence of the Capital of the United States, threatened with invasion. The war, for a long time, though in profound peace secretly prepared for, has been openly commenced by the South, by the seizure of the undefended forts. arsenals, dockyards, mints, and custom houses of the United States, and the plunder of the public property contained in them, in flagrant violation of the law of the land, if the South is still in the Union, and equally flagrant violation of every principle, of international law,
and that a plot to destroy the Union has been hatching for a long period, and has been deferred only until a convenient opportunity, is no longer a matter of speculation. The election of Mr. Lincoln was not the cause, but only the occasion. Mr. Everett, in a recent letter, said, that he was well aware, partly from facts within his personal knowledge, that leading Southern politicians had for thirty years been resolved to break up the Union as soon as they ceased to control the United States ent Tyler and an ex-Governor Wise, he might have eulogized the leaders of the Ancient Dominion for their treacherous skill in deluding the country with schemes of compromise while the preparations of the rebels were advancing to completion. Mr. Everett, who was a warm advocate for the peace convention, has told us that those conciliatory demonstrations had no effect in staying the progress of secession, because the leaders of that revolution were determined not to be satisfied. In referen
was indeed full-grown when Mr. Davis found it and adopted it, and we presume, believed it, as he is evidently given up to strong delusions; but it is probably not much older than secession, having been invented for the purpose of making Northern men appear so hateful that Southern men would be willing to secede from them, and kill them. If so, it was skilfully invented; and as a device for exciting the passions which produce and sustain civil war, it is deserving of serious attention. Mr. Everett, in his late oration at New York, treats this calumny as worthy of a brief notice, He says: The theory of a change in the Northern mind, growing out of a discovery made soon after 1789, that our soil and climate were unpropitious to slavery, (as if the soil and climate then were different from what they always had been,) and a consequent sale to the South of the slaves of the North, is purely mythical; as groundless in fact as it is absurd in statement. I have often asked for evide