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or Ireland, nor Scotland, nor France, nor Turkey; although .from Turkey they sent me Arab horses, and from South Carolina they send me nothing but curses. Still, I like South Carolina better than I like any of them ; and I have the presumption and vanity to believe that if there were nobody to overhear the state of South Carolina when she is talking, she would confess that she liked us tolerably well. I am very sure that if anybody were to make a descent on New York to-morrow — whether Louis Napoleon, or the Prince of Wales, or his mother [laughter], or the Emperor of Russia, or the Emperor of Austria, all the hills of South Carolina would pour forth their population for the rescue of New York. [Cries of Good, and applause.] God knows how this may be. I do not pretend to know, I only conjecture. But this I do know, that if any of those powers were to make a descent on South Carolina, I know who would go to her rescue. [A voice--We'd all go. ] We would all go — everybody. [ That's
It was arranged in case Mr. Lincoln should pass safely over the railroad to Baltimoro, that the conspirators should mingle with the crowd which might surround his carriage, and by pretending to be his friends, be enabled to approach his person, when, upon a signal from their leader, some of them would shoot at Mr. Lincoln with their pistols, and others would throw into his carriage hand-grenades filled with detonating powder, similar to those used in the attempted assassination of the Emperor Louis Napoleon. It was intended that in the confusion which should result from this attack, the assailants should escape to a vessel which was waiting in the harbor to receive them, and be carried to Mobile, in the seceding State of Alabama. Upon Mr. Lincoln's arrival in Philadelphia upon Thursday, the 21st of February, the detective visited Philadelphia, and submitted to certain friends of the President-elect, the information he had collected as to the conspirators and their plans. An inter
resident, which was a brave and good one, was issued on Monday morning last. Its effect upon a patient, forbearing, and long suffering people was like the blast upon Roderick's bugle horn--'twas worth a thousand men. It was like the presence of Napoleon at the head of his army, which the combined despots of Europe were wont to estimate as a reinforcement of one hundred thousand men. It was the first trumpet-note of freedom. Its echoes reverberated among the hills of peaceful and happy New Engld. Nothing else can restore its tarnished lustre. A flag is the representation of history, the emblem of heroic daring and of brave deeds. The associations of a flag alone make it sacred. Who sees the tri-color of France, without thinking of Napoleon and the army of Italy, of Marengo and Austerlitz, of Moscow and Waterloo? No man can read of the strife of Lexington and Concord, whose heart does not thrill with emotion at this glorious baptism of the Stars and Stripes. No man can see the ba
d stretch her imperial hand across the Atlantic, and lift, by one peaceful word, a million of slaves into Liberty. God granted that glory only to our mother-land. How did French Slavery go down? How did the French slave trade go down? When Napoleon came back from Elba, when his fate hung trembling in the balance, and he wished to gather around him the sympathies of the liberals of Europe, he no sooner set foot in the Tuileries than he signed the edict abolishing the slave trade against which the Abolitionists of England and France had protested for many years in vain. And the trade went down, because Napoleon felt that he must do something to gild the darkening hour of his second attempt to clutch the sceptre of France. How did the slave system go down? When, in 1848, the Provisional Government found itself in the Hotel de Ville, obliged to do something to draw to itself the sympathy and liberal feeling of the French nation, they signed an edict — it was the first from the ris
at nothing else could have done. It has obliterated all mere party differences in the Southern States, and brought all men upon the same platform of resistance to such coercion. The conservative sentiments of the border slave States are rapidly giving way before the crazy efforts at subjugation of the usurping despotism at Washington City. That power seems to have entirely forgotten that there is a legislative body known as Congress, for it is arrogating to itself as much authority as Louis Napoleon or the Emperor of Russia ever exercised. The Republican Cabinet has been converted into an oligarchy, wielding unlimited authority. Genuine Republican theory and practice appear to be completely lost sight of. The Lincoln Cabinet, instead of merely carrying into effect the laws. that Congress passes, makes laws of its own, or rather proceeds to make war upon the Confederate States without any law. Why don't Mr. Lincoln fulminate a decree declaring Congress abolished, and himself and h
r history, should trample under foot the teachings of Jay, Hamilton, Washington, Marshall, Madison, Dane, Kent, Story, and Webster, and, accepting only the dogmas of Mr. Calhoun as infallible, surrender forever our national laws and our national existence. Englishmen themselves live in a united empire; but if the kingdom of Scotland should secede, should seize all the national property, forts, arsenals, and public treasure on its soil, organize an army, send forth foreign Ministers to Louis Napoleon, the Emperor of Austria, and other Powers, issue invitations to all the pirates of the world to prey upon English commerce, screening their piracy from punishment by the banner of Scotland, and should announce its intention of planting that flag upon Buckingham Palace, it is probable that a blow or two would be struck to defend the national honor and the national existence, without fear that the civil war would be denounced as wicked and fratricidal. Yet it would be difficult to show th
f a false divinity, until they saw no other light, and they impiously denied the existence of a living God. New England will not go so far in her madness. There is a conservative power of wisdom and virtue among her great and enlightened people, and a moral energy, which, although it has long slumbered, is not yet dead, and it will come forth in dignified authority to rebuke fanaticism, and, with the sceptre of reason, expel the idolatrous worshippers of negro freedom from their altars, as Napoleon drove the mad votaries from the worship of their heathen divinity, and restored the worship of the true and living God. But the time has arrived when she must awake and come to the judgment — when she must aid, by her counsel, in deciding the most vital question, and one involving more stupendous considerations than any other that can arise in the relations of mankind. It is time that New England--Old England — Europe — America — and the whole civilized world, should come to the judgment