f God; to assail iniquity in high places; to apply our principles to all existing civil, political, legal and ecclesiastical institutions.
The triumphant progress of the cause of temperance and abolition in our land . . . encourages us to combine our means and efforts for the promotion of a still greater cause.
This greater cause (an admission indeed for Garrison) held its own for some years.
The convention founded a Non-resistance Society, and published a semi-monthly paper, with Edmund Quincy as editor, who showed his sincerity by returning to the governor his commission of justice of the peace.
His journal was issued for several years and paid expenses.
But the demands of Abolition and non-resistance upon the same individuals proved too great, and gradually and imperceptibly the movement subsided, destined doubtless at some future day to reassert its claim upon the conscience of mankind, although it may present itself in a different and more philosophical form.
en find suggestions in the Abolition movement which will be of value in forming a diagnosis of present conditions and seeking a remedy for existing ills.
(i) And first of all, the Abolition movement was initiated by people of humble rank in society.
Garrison began life as a cobbler's apprentice, and Lundy was a saddler.
Even when the war broke out very few persons of prominence in society had taken their place among the Abolitionists, and those who did, such as Wendell Phillips and Edmund Quincy, were more or less ostracised and maligned.
It was never respectable to be an Abolitionist.
And it is true of all great social movements that their origin has been outside the pale of the upper classes.
Growth does not begin at the top, and a healthy, vigorous, just cause cannot in the nature of things be respectable at first; and just in proportion as it becomes respectable it loses its energy and single-mindedness.
And this estrangement of the wealth and culture of the day gives ri