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Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 838 2 Browse Search
William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 280 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 246 2 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 180 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 140 0 Browse Search
Mrs. John A. Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier's Wife: An Autobiography 96 2 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 80 0 Browse Search
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights 76 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 66 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 63 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights. You can also browse the collection for Stephen A. Douglas or search for Stephen A. Douglas in all documents.

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John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 1: Theodore Roosevelt and the Abolitionists (search)
en done long before. Part of it dated back to 1840. Indeed, the performance of the Republican party in those four years was not remarkably brilliant. With the slogan of Free soil, free men, and Fremont it made an ostentatious demonstration in 1856-an attempted coup de main--which failed. It would have failed quite as signally in 1860, but for the division of the Democratic party into the Douglas and Breckenridge factions. That division was pre-arranged by the slaveholders who disliked Douglas, the regular Democratic nominee, much more than they did Lincoln, and who hoped and plotted for Lincoln's election because it furnished them a pretext for rebellion. The change of name from Free soil or Liberty to Republican in 1856 had very little significance. It was a matter of partisan policy and nothing more. Liberty and Free soil, as party cognomens, had a meaning, and were supposed to antagonize certain prejudices. Republican, at that juncture, meant nothing whatever. Besides,
nding up, when speaking, straight and stiff. Douglas was short and stumpy, a regular roly-poly manHe poured out a steady flow of words-three to Douglas's two--in a simple and semi-conversational toal claptrap. His address was pure argument. Douglas's manner was one of excitement, and accompanifect voice. Those who wanted to understand Douglas had to press up close to the platform from whe on all occasions declared as strongly as Judge Douglas against the disposition to interfere with recognized that fact, and their antagonism to Douglas grew accordingly. They deliberately defeateddge as an independent candidate. Otherwise Mr. Douglas would have become President of the United S three antagonists. As between Lincoln and Douglas, who together held the controlling hand, the han to those of a political jumping-jack like Douglas. The most of the other Southern men and slave debate with a very strong prejudice against Douglas, looking upon him as one of the most time-ser[14 more...]
he mob. Nevertheless, we have had some excellent people --not slave-owners-who, out of compassion for the black man, or from prejudice against his color, and, perhaps, from a little of both, have favored a policy of colonization in this country. Mr. Lincoln was one of them. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to do with the existing institution. My first impulse would be to free the slaves and send them to Liberia. So said Mr. Lincoln in one of his debates with Douglas. I cannot make it better known than it already is, said Mr. Lincoln in a message to Congress, dated December I, 1862, that I strongly favor colonization. At Lincoln's instance Congress appropriated several large sums of money-then much needed in warlike operations — for colonizing experiments. One of these has a curious and somewhat pathetic history. A sharper by the name of Koch, having worked himself into the confidence of the President and some other good people, got them to buy
een, an Abolitionist. Not very long before the time referred to the writer heard Mr. Lincoln, in his debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Alton, Illinois, declare-laying unusual emphasis on his words: I have on all occasions declared as strongly as JJudge Douglas against the disposition to interfere with the existing institution of slavery. Judge Douglas was what was then called a dough-face by the Abolitionists-being a Northern man with Southern principles, or proclivities, as he called themJudge Douglas was what was then called a dough-face by the Abolitionists-being a Northern man with Southern principles, or proclivities, as he called them. Only a little earlier, and several years after Mr. Lincoln had claimed to be a Republican, and a leader of the Republicans, he had, in a speech at Bloomington, Illinois, asserted that, the conclusion of it all is that we must restore the Missouwould undoubtedly have produced a similar effect. Although he is not to be credited with any philanthropic motive, Stephen A. Douglas did an effective work for freedom when he helped to overthrow that measure. Leading Abolitionists have accorded hi
One of these men was Abraham Lincoln, whom I heard declare in his debate with Douglas at Alton, Illinois: I was with the old-line Whigs from the origin to the end oby residence and principle-and had no claim on Anti-Slavery support. But with Douglas the case was different. He had quarreled with the pro-slavery leaders, altho conservative Lincoln. In my opinion there was good reason for that feeling. Douglas, as President, would undoubtedly have pushed the war for the Union with superiother reason why the slaveholders preferred the election of Lincoln to that of Douglas. Lincoln's election would furnish the better pretext for the rebellion on whient, and which they had already largely planned. They were resolved to defeat Douglas at all hazards, and they succeeded. Douglas had been very distasteful to thDouglas had been very distasteful to the Abolitionists. They called him a dough — face. Nevertheless, quite a number of them where I lived in Missouri voted for him. Missouri was the only State he carri
souri, 163-164; charges against, 163. D Democratic party, division of, 11. Democrats, 4, 7; Anti-Nebraska, 9; of New York, 9. Denison, Charles M., 203, 205. Dickinson, Anna E., 205. Dissolution of Union, petition for, 2. Doughface, 4. Douglas, Stephen A., 12; dislike of, by slaveholders' factions, 12; defeated for President, 94-99; and Abolitionists, 53; hated by slave-owners, 153. Douglass, Fred., 112. Drake, Hon. Charles D., 167. Dred Scott decision, 45-46; too late for South's South Carolina and Georgia offers reward for its circulation, 55-56; excluded from U. S. mails, 56; office wrecked by mob, 56; opposed to separate party action, 64. Lincoln, Abraham, 2, 8, 11, 41; election of, 11, 48; Gettysburg speech, 88; and Douglas, 94-99; debate of 1858, 94; and slavery, 96, 97; preferred by slaveholders, 98; Recollections of, 134-135; and emancipation, 136-149; and Missouri Compromise, 139; message to Minister Dayton of Paris, 140; proposed constitutional amendment, 144;