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Browsing named entities in a specific section of C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. Search the whole document.

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Wisconsin (Wisconsin, United States) (search for this): chapter 276
and the case of the newspaper correspondents were so engrossing as to leave no time for anything else. Washington, June, 1871. Mr. Sumner—While I was under trial before the Senate, on articles of impeachment presented by the Senator from Wisconsin (Mr. Howe), I forbore taking any part in the debate, even in reply to allegations, asserted to be of decisive importance, touching my relations with the President and Secretary of State. All this was trivial enough; but numerous appeals to mey, which cannot be indifferent to pretensions in its name; nor will anything but the completest frankness be proper for the occasion. In overcoming this reluctance I am aided by Senators who are determined to make me speak. The Senator from Wisconsin (Mr. Howe), who appears as prosecuting officer, after alleging these personal relations as the gravamen of accusation against me—making the issue pointedly on this floor, and actually challenging reply—not content with the opportunity of this C<
San Francisco (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 276
believe may be done. I cannot doubt that the same modes of decision which now prevail between individuals, between towns and between smaller communities, may be extended to nations. 10. All the residue of my estate, real and personal, I bequeath and devise to my executor in trust, to be sold at such time and in such way as he shall think best, the proceeds to be distributed in two equal moieties, as follows: One moiety to be paid my sister, Julia Hastings, wife of John Hastings of San Francisco, Cal., for her sole and exclusive use; or, should she die before me, then in equal portions to her three daughters or the survivor, each portion to be for the sole and exclusive use of such daughter. The other moiety to be paid to the President and Fellows of Harvard College, in trust, for the benefit of the College library, my desire being that the income should be applied to the purchasing of books relating to politics and fine arts. This bequest is made in filial regard for the College
Geneva, N. Y. (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 276
ly part of this volume, in 1844, when he pronounced the oration on the true grandeur of nations; the burden of which was Peace, and which Cobden, its most eloquent advocate in Europe, had pronounced the noblest contribution ever made by any modern writer to the cause of peace. In that oration the memorable words were uttered which resounded through the world; which were quoted at every subsequent Peace Convention on the globe, and which were received with cheers when his health was drank at Geneva—In our age, there can be no peace that is not honorable; there can be no war that is not dishonorable. He was now to see the two foremost nations of the earth practically adopt that sentiment, and come forward, setting an example for the first time, on so broad a scale, of yielding up all their claims and disputes to the awards of a peaceful arbitration. How far his repeated and noble efforts in behalf of this cause, had been influential in bringing about this grand result, can, of cours
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 276
was admitted to be practically dead, the Secretary who signed the document passed three hours at my house, pleading with me to withdraw my opposition, and finally wound up by the tender to me of the English mission, with no other apparent object than simply to get me out of the way. Then again we have the positive allegation that the President embraced an opportunity to prevent any further misapprehension of his views through Mr. Motley by taking from him the right to discuss further the Alabama claims, whereas the Secretary, in a letter to me at Boston, dated at Washington, Oct. 9th, 1869, informs me that the discussion of the question was withdrawn from London, because [the italics are the Secretary's] we think that when renewed it can be carried on here, with a better prospect of settlement, than where the late attempt at a convention which resulted so disastrously and was conducted so strangely was had; and what the Secretary thus wrote he repeated in conversation when we met,
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 276
various pressure, Mr. Sumner concluded to present it at the recent called session of the Senate, but the Treaty with Great Britain and the case of the newspaper correspondents were so engrossing as to leave no time for anything else. Washington, only wanting the formal action of the Senate for weeks and months before the decease of the illustrious statesman of Great Britain. Weeks and months. And yet during the last month, when the treaty was admitted to be practically dead, the Secretarthat have been made on our side. I hope that it will meet your views. I think it will. It leaves the question with Great Britain to determine when any negotiations are to be renewed. The Secretary was right in his description. It was a full revistory of the intercourse of nations —the settlement of the long-pending and constantly menacing difficulties between Great Britain and the United States, by arbitration. It will be remembered that Mr. Sumner began his political life, as we have m
Caribbean Sea (search for this): chapter 276
ident. I tried to think as he did, but I could not. I listened to the arguments on his side; but in vain. The adverse considerations multiplied with time and reflection. To those who know the motives of my life, it is superfluous for me to add that I sought simply the good of my country and Humanity, including especially the good of the African race, to which our country owes so much. Already there was anger at the White House when the scheme to buy and annex half an island in the Caribbean Sea was pressed upon the Senate in legislative session, under the guise of appointing a Commission, and it became my duty to expose it. Here I was constrained to show how, at very large expense, the usurper Baez was maintained in power by the Navy of the United States, to enable him to sell his country, while at the same time the independence of the Black Republic was menaced, all of which was in violation of International Law, and of the Constitution of the United States, which reserves to
Cuba (Cuba) (search for this): chapter 276
simple narrative will show who is the criminal. My early relations with the Secretary have already appeared, and how he began by asking me for help, practising constantly on this appeal. A few details will be enough. At once on his arrival to assume his new duties he asked my counsel about appointing Mr. Bancroft Davis Assistant Secretary of State, and I advised the appointment, without sufficient knowledge I am inclined to believe now. Then followed the questions with Spain growing out of Cuba, which were the subject of constant conference, where he sought me repeatedly and kindly listened to my opinions. Then came the instructions for the English mission known as the dispatch of May 16, 1869. At each stage of these instructions I was in the counsels of the Secretary. Following my suggestion he authorized me to invite Mr. Motley in his name to prepare the memoir or essay on our claims, which, notwithstanding its entirely confidential character, he drags before the world, for the
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 276
ion, and it became my duty to expose it. Here I was constrained to show how, at very large expense, the usurper Baez was maintained in power by the Navy of the United States, to enable him to sell his country, while at the same time the independence of the Black Republic was menaced, all of which was in violation of International L Administration is menaced by great opposition, and it needs peace and unity among the people and in Congress. The head of a great party, the President of the United States has much to forget and forgive, but he can afford to be magnanimous and forgiving. I want to see the President and Congress in harmony, and the Republican parad occurred in the history of the intercourse of nations —the settlement of the long-pending and constantly menacing difficulties between Great Britain and the United States, by arbitration. It will be remembered that Mr. Sumner began his political life, as we have mentioned in an early part of this volume, in 1844, when he prono
Europe (search for this): chapter 276
f the most important events that had occurred in the history of the intercourse of nations —the settlement of the long-pending and constantly menacing difficulties between Great Britain and the United States, by arbitration. It will be remembered that Mr. Sumner began his political life, as we have mentioned in an early part of this volume, in 1844, when he pronounced the oration on the true grandeur of nations; the burden of which was Peace, and which Cobden, its most eloquent advocate in Europe, had pronounced the noblest contribution ever made by any modern writer to the cause of peace. In that oration the memorable words were uttered which resounded through the world; which were quoted at every subsequent Peace Convention on the globe, and which were received with cheers when his health was drank at Geneva—In our age, there can be no peace that is not honorable; there can be no war that is not dishonorable. He was now to see the two foremost nations of the earth practically a
Brussels (Belgium) (search for this): chapter 276
occupied in earnest and reiterated appeal that I should cease my opposition to the Presidential scheme; and here he urged that the election which made Gen. Grant President had been carried by him and not by the Republican party, so that his desires were entitled to especial attention. In his pressure on me he complained that I had opposed other projects of the President. In reply to my inquiry he named the repeal of the Tenure-of-Office Act, and the nomination of Mr. Jones as Minister to Brussels, both of which the President had much at heart, and he concluded with the Santo Domingo treaty. I assured the Secretary firmly and simply that, seeing the latter as I did with all its surroundings, my duty was plain, and that I must continue to oppose it so long as it appeared to me wrong. He was not satisfied, and renewed his pressure in various forms, returning to the point again and again with persevering assiduity, that would not be arrested, when at last, finding me inflexible, he ch
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