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Browsing named entities in a specific section of C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. Search the whole document.

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Wisconsin (Wisconsin, United States) (search for this): chapter 279
and the case of the newspaper correspondents were so engrossing as to leave no time for anything else. Washington, June, 1871. Mr. Sumner—While I was under trial before the Senate, on articles of impeachment presented by the Senator from Wisconsin (Mr. Howe), I forbore taking any part in the debate, even in reply to allegations, asserted to be of decisive importance, touching my relations with the President and Secretary of State. All this was trivial enough; but numerous appeals to mey, which cannot be indifferent to pretensions in its name; nor will anything but the completest frankness be proper for the occasion. In overcoming this reluctance I am aided by Senators who are determined to make me speak. The Senator from Wisconsin (Mr. Howe), who appears as prosecuting officer, after alleging these personal relations as the gravamen of accusation against me—making the issue pointedly on this floor, and actually challenging reply—not content with the opportunity of this C<
Cuba (Cuba) (search for this): chapter 279
simple narrative will show who is the criminal. My early relations with the Secretary have already appeared, and how he began by asking me for help, practising constantly on this appeal. A few details will be enough. At once on his arrival to assume his new duties he asked my counsel about appointing Mr. Bancroft Davis Assistant Secretary of State, and I advised the appointment, without sufficient knowledge I am inclined to believe now. Then followed the questions with Spain growing out of Cuba, which were the subject of constant conference, where he sought me repeatedly and kindly listened to my opinions. Then came the instructions for the English mission known as the dispatch of May 16, 1869. At each stage of these instructions I was in the counsels of the Secretary. Following my suggestion he authorized me to invite Mr. Motley in his name to prepare the memoir or essay on our claims, which, notwithstanding its entirely confidential character, he drags before the world, for the
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 279
insisted that he was the friend of Mr. Motley; while, as if it was not enough to insult one Massachusetts citizen in the public service, the same document, after a succession of flings and sneers, to the absent, who cannot be permitted to suffer unjustly—duty to a much-injured citizen of Massachusetts, who may properly look to a Senator of his State for protection against official wrong—duty is standing among the most cultivated of the age. I assure you, my dear Sir, that the men of Massachusetts, who gave you more than 75,000 majority, are proud to number Mr. Motley among their most lov opposition to the Santo Domingo treaty. His removal will be regarded by the Republicans of Massachusetts as a blow not only at him, but at Mr. Sumner. There has been much feeling about the treataps Mr. Sumner may have said things that may have been distasteful to you, but the people of Massachusetts are with him as ten to one. Holding on general principles that the prominent interests of t
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 279
sed upon the Senate in legislative session, under the guise of appointing a Commission, and it became my duty to expose it. Here I was constrained to show how, at very large expense, the usurper Baez was maintained in power by the Navy of the United States, to enable him to sell his country, while at the same time the independence of the Black Republic was menaced, all of which was in violation of International Law, and of the Constitution of the United States, which reserves to Congress the poask nothing, but I do entreat you, before acting, to look well to the matter. Your Administration is menaced by great opposition, and it needs peace and unity among the people and in Congress. The head of a great party, the President of the United States has much to forget and forgive, but he can afford to be magnanimous and forgiving. I want to see the President and Congress in harmony, and the Republican party united and victorious. To accomplish this, we must all be just, charitable, and
Dominican Republic (Dominican Republic) (search for this): chapter 279
his arrival down to his alienation on the Santo Domingo business, I possess the written record. Ftime in June, 1870, a few weeks before the Santo Domingo treaty was finally rejected by the Senate,d much at heart, and he concluded with the Santo Domingo treaty. I assured the Secretary firmly animmediately following the rejection of the Santo Domingo Treaty, Mr. Motley was summarily removed, made the matter worse, while the heats of Santo Domingo entered into the discussion. At last, iremoved on account of my opposition to the Santo Domingo Treaty. The document signed by the Secrethonors me (him) with his friendship to the Santo Domingo Treaty. Men are apt to attribute the caence of the removal upon the defeat of the Santo Domingo treaty. A kindred inconsistency arrestecument seeks to antedate the defeat of the Santo Domingo treaty, so as to interpose weeks and monthy house at once, and we conferred freely. Santo Domingo had not yet sent its shadow into his soul.[9 more...]
Missouri (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 279
s was signed by one who had sat with him at my house in friendly communion and common aspiration on the evening of the inauguration of Gen. Grant, and had so often insisted that he was the friend of Mr. Motley; while, as if it was not enough to insult one Massachusetts citizen in the public service, the same document, after a succession of flings and sneers, makes a kindred assault on me; and this is signed by one who so constantly called me friend, and asked me for help. The Senator from Missouri (Mr. Schurz) has already directed attention to this assault, and has expressed his judgment upon it, confessing that he should not have failed to feel the in suit, and then exclaiming with just indignation, when such things are launched against any member of this body, it becomes the American Senate to stand by him and not to attempt to disgrace and degrade him because he shows the sensitiveness of a gentleman. （Congressional Globe Debate, of March 10, 1871.) It is easy to see how this Sen
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 279
every personal issue. Yielding at last to various pressure, Mr. Sumner concluded to present it at the recent called session of the Senate, but the Treaty with Great Britain and the case of the newspaper correspondents were so engrossing as to leave no time for anything else. Washington, June, 1871. Mr. Sumner—While I was unds admitted to be practically dead, and was only wanting the formal action of the Senate for weeks and months before the decease of the illustrious statesman of Great Britain. Weeks and months. And yet during the last month, when the treaty was admitted to be practically dead, the Secretary who signed the document passed three houovering all the ground and all the points that have been made on our side. I hope that it will meet your views. I think it will. It leaves the question with Great Britain to determine when any negotiations are to be renewed. The Secretary was right in his description. It was a full review of our whole case; covering all the gr
Brussels (Belgium) (search for this): chapter 279
occupied in earnest and reiterated appeal that I should cease my opposition to the Presidential scheme; and here he urged that the election which made Gen. Grant President had been carried by him and not by the Republican party, so that his desires were entitled to especial attention. In his pressure on me he complained that I had opposed other projects of the President. In reply to my inquiry he named the repeal of the Tenure-of-Office Act, and the nomination of Mr. Jones as Minister to Brussels, both of which the President had much at heart, and he concluded with the Santo Domingo treaty. I assured the Secretary firmly and simply that, seeing the latter as I did with all its surroundings, my duty was plain, and that I must continue to oppose it so long as it appeared to me wrong. He was not satisfied, and renewed his pressure in various forms, returning to the point again and again with persevering assiduity, that would not be arrested, when at last, finding me inflexible, he ch
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 279
was admitted to be practically dead, the Secretary who signed the document passed three hours at my house, pleading with me to withdraw my opposition, and finally wound up by the tender to me of the English mission, with no other apparent object than simply to get me out of the way. Then again we have the positive allegation that the President embraced an opportunity to prevent any further misapprehension of his views through Mr. Motley by taking from him the right to discuss further the Alabama claims, whereas the Secretary, in a letter to me at Boston, dated at Washington, Oct. 9th, 1869, informs me that the discussion of the question was withdrawn from London, because [the italics are the Secretary's] we think that when renewed it can be carried on here, with a better prospect of settlement, than where the late attempt at a convention which resulted so disastrously and was conducted so strangely was had; and what the Secretary thus wrote he repeated in conversation when we met,
Caribbean Sea (search for this): chapter 279
ident. I tried to think as he did, but I could not. I listened to the arguments on his side; but in vain. The adverse considerations multiplied with time and reflection. To those who know the motives of my life, it is superfluous for me to add that I sought simply the good of my country and Humanity, including especially the good of the African race, to which our country owes so much. Already there was anger at the White House when the scheme to buy and annex half an island in the Caribbean Sea was pressed upon the Senate in legislative session, under the guise of appointing a Commission, and it became my duty to expose it. Here I was constrained to show how, at very large expense, the usurper Baez was maintained in power by the Navy of the United States, to enable him to sell his country, while at the same time the independence of the Black Republic was menaced, all of which was in violation of International Law, and of the Constitution of the United States, which reserves to
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