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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section first: Parentage and education. (search)
valor, and public services. Among them, increase Sumner had distinguished himself as one of the greatest judges and governors of the State. When he was inducted into office, his personal appearance was so imposing, as compared with Hancock and Adams— the former a cripple from the gout, the other bowed down with infirmity—that there was an exclamation of satisfaction on all sides—Thank God we have at last got a Governor that can walk! The late Senator's father, Charles Pinckney Sumner, maiamong the most learned men of England. The common schools of the Colony were then the best in the world, those of Boston leading the way. At the time Charles Sumner's education began, these common schools had grown to be so excellent, that John Quincy Adams said if he had as many sons as King Priam, he would send them all to the district school. In his tenth year he entered the Public Latin School of Boston, where he began his preparation for maturer studies, carrying away from all rivals the<
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
pealers, Abolitionists. There are a few such men now in Congress. Massachusetts has a venerable representative, John Quincy Adams, whose aged bosom still glows with inextinguishable fires; like the central heats of the monarch mountain of the Anformed a new party, The Party of Freedom. There are good men who longed for this, and have died without the sight. John Quincy Adams longed for it. William Ellery Channing longed for it. Their spirits hover over us, and urge us to persevere. Let uhich carried Washington through a seven years war; which inspired Lafayette; which touched with coals of fire the lips of Adams, Otis, and Patrick Henry. Ours is an idea which is, at least, noble and elevating; it is an idea which draws in its traiational influence which made every speech delivered in Massachusetts effective far beyond the bounds of the State. John Quincy Adams had died at his post, the last undismayed champion of the Revolutionary school of Freedom, his heart still burning
spirit is needed now by the advocates of Right. They must not be ashamed of the name which belongs to Franklin, Jefferson and Washington— and which express the idea to which they should be devoted—Abolitionist. They must be thorough, uncompromising advocates of the repeal of slavery, of its abolition under the laws and Constitution of the United States. They must be Repealers, Abolitionists. There are a few such men now in Congress. Massachusetts has a venerable representative, John Quincy Adams, whose aged bosom still glows with inextinguishable fires; like the central heats of the monarch mountain of the Andes, beneath its canopy of snow. To this cause he dedicates the closing energies of a long and illustrious life. Would that all would join him! There is a Senator of Massachusetts, whom we had hoped to welcome here to-day, whose position is one of commanding influence. Let me address him with the respectful frankness of a constituent and a friend:—You have, Sir, by <
or postponed; for triumph they must. The old and ill-compacted party organizations are broken, and from their ruins is now formed a new party, The Party of Freedom. There are good men who longed for this, and have died without the sight. John Quincy Adams longed for it. William Ellery Channing longed for it. Their spirits hover over us, and urge us to persevere. Let us be true to the moral grandeur of our cause. Have faith in Truth and in God, who giveth the victory. Oh, a fair cause stt all? And what is our one idea? It is the idea which combined our fathers on the heights of Bunker Hill. It is the idea which carried Washington through a seven years war; which inspired Lafayette; which touched with coals of fire the lips of Adams, Otis, and Patrick Henry. Ours is an idea which is, at least, noble and elevating; it is an idea which draws in its train virtue, goodness, and all the charities of life—all that makes earth a home of improvement and happiness. Her path where
r the great issues were made and met, the friends of Freedom had been steadily gaining ground. Strange as it may seem, the hardest work in this great battle had to be fought in Massachusetts, where Mr. Sumner was the acknowledged leader of the Liberal host. Clothed with no official dignity or power, to give prestige to his words or actions, he was already commanding a national influence which made every speech delivered in Massachusetts effective far beyond the bounds of the State. John Quincy Adams had died at his post, the last undismayed champion of the Revolutionary school of Freedom, his heart still burning with the love of liberty, and the eloquent utterances of freedom still fresh from his lips. But his son, Charles Francis, had already come forward in the same spirit, to tread in the steps of his father, and in all quarters the roused spirit of insulted American liberty was no longer to cower back from the presence of her foes. But there was yet lacking, as there always
ce of a statesman of Massachusetts, who was then directing the last energies of an illustrious life to the removal of the crime of human slavery from the soil of our beloved country—a statesman whose course I had chosen for my own guidance—John Quincy Adams, the old man eloquent. He has ascended to heaven; you and I yet remain in the field of toil and duty; and now, by a rare felicity, I have your instructions to present to you another statesman of Massachusetts, he on whose shoulders the man not less complete than any in history. That this was done I proceed to prove. Here is the evidence:— Lxxvi. 1. Only in this way can this extraordinary expedition be adequately explained. In the words of Moliere, once employed by John Quincy Adams in the other House, Que diable allaient-ils faire dans cette galere? What did they go into the Territory for? If their purposes were peaceful, as has been suggested, why cannons, arms, flags, numbers, and all this violence? As simple cit<
at Auburn, and pressed so earnestly that he could not refuse, he was introduced to the audience by Mr. Seward, in these words: Fellow-citizens: A dozen years ago I was honored by being chosen to bring my neighbors residing here to the acquaintance of a statesman of Massachusetts, who was then directing the last energies of an illustrious life to the removal of the crime of human slavery from the soil of our beloved country—a statesman whose course I had chosen for my own guidance—John Quincy Adams, the old man eloquent. He has ascended to heaven; you and I yet remain in the field of toil and duty; and now, by a rare felicity, I have your instructions to present to you another statesman of Massachusetts, he on whose shoulders the mantle of the departed one has fallen, and who, more than any other of the many great and virtuous citizens of his native Commonwealth, illustrates the spirit of the teacher, whom, like us, he venerated and loved so much, a companion and friend of my ow
Lxxvi. 1. Only in this way can this extraordinary expedition be adequately explained. In the words of Moliere, once employed by John Quincy Adams in the other House, Que diable allaient-ils faire dans cette galere? What did they go into the Territory for? If their purposes were peaceful, as has been suggested, why cannons, arms, flags, numbers, and all this violence? As simple citizens, proceeding to the honest exercise of the electoral franchise, they might go with nothing more than a pilgrim's staff. Philosophy always seeks a sufficient cause, and only in the One Idea already presented can a cause be found in any degree commensurate with the Crime; and this becomes so only when we consider the mad fanaticism of Slavery. 2. Public notoriety steps forward to confirm the suggestion of reason. In every place where Truth can freely travel it is asserted and understood that the Legislature was imposed upon Kansas by foreigners from Missouri; and this universal voice is now
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eighth: the war of the Rebellion. (search)
atch was received in Washington, or any possibility of news of the state of feeling in England could have reached here, Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, wrote to Mr. Adams, our Minister at London, an account of what had occurred, and stated that Captain Wilkes acted without any instructions from the government, and he trusted that be disposed to meet the case in the same pacific spirit which animated the President and his administration. By a singular coincidence, this letter was read by Mr. Adams to Earl Russell on the very same day that Lord Lyons had read the English Secretary's demand to Mr. Seward. It was then in the power of Earl Russell to make thee as long ago as July 1st, 1836; and again in January and March of the following year. But with the exception of that venerable Sage and apostle of Liberty, John Quincy Adams, scarcely a voice was heard in either House in advocacy of the measure. Mr. Hamilton, of South Carolina, declared that Haytien independence could not be to
Xxv. In the meantime, before Earl Russell's dispatch was received in Washington, or any possibility of news of the state of feeling in England could have reached here, Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, wrote to Mr. Adams, our Minister at London, an account of what had occurred, and stated that Captain Wilkes acted without any instructions from the government, and he trusted that there would be no difficulty in adjusting the matter, if the British Government should be disposed to meet the case in the same pacific spirit which animated the President and his administration. By a singular coincidence, this letter was read by Mr. Adams to Earl Russell on the very same day that Lord Lyons had read the English Secretary's demand to Mr. Seward. It was then in the power of Earl Russell to make the purport of Mr. Seward's letter known, which would at once have allayed the war fever which the British ministry had done everything in their power to inflame. But this was not done. In speak
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