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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 152 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 100 0 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 92 0 Browse Search
Elias Nason, McClellan's Own Story: the war for the union, the soldiers who fought it, the civilians who directed it, and his relations to them. 79 1 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 67 1 Browse Search
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights 56 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 46 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 40 2 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 26 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: February 29, 1864., [Electronic resource] 25 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. You can also browse the collection for Salmon P. Chase or search for Salmon P. Chase in all documents.

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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
at Baltimore, and the Democratic statesmen of New York, embracing such men as Silas Wright and Gov. Dix, were preparing to stand by their former political leader, in making some movement to resist the imperious demands of the slave power. Salmon P. Chase, who entertained strong anti-slavery sentiments, as well as Joshua Giddings, commanded great influence in Ohio, while Mr. Charles Francis Adams, and his friend, Charles Sumner, were putting forth their mightiest efforts to restore to the oldf the North, and there it was to fight its last fight before it dissolved in the fires of the Rebellion. Xix. In the Senate, Mr. Sumner was to appear in the list as a Free-Soiler. There were but two others who claimed that distinction—Salmon P. Chase, from Ohio, and John P. Hale, from New Hampshire. These were but the morning-stars of the great day of emancipation that was so soon to dawn upon a redeemed country, and a disenthralled race. In his letter to the Legislature of the State
birth of a new party which would resist the further extension of slavery over free soil. There were strong men throughout the country, who were preparing for a new movement. Mr. Van Buren was not strong enough to command the nomination of his party at Baltimore, and the Democratic statesmen of New York, embracing such men as Silas Wright and Gov. Dix, were preparing to stand by their former political leader, in making some movement to resist the imperious demands of the slave power. Salmon P. Chase, who entertained strong anti-slavery sentiments, as well as Joshua Giddings, commanded great influence in Ohio, while Mr. Charles Francis Adams, and his friend, Charles Sumner, were putting forth their mightiest efforts to restore to the old Commonwealth of Massachusetts Bay the spirit of liberty, whose beacon-fires had long ago begun to grow dim. There was a general disposition, through many portions of the North, to throw off despotism of party; and with a view to unite men of all par
Xix. In the Senate, Mr. Sumner was to appear in the list as a Free-Soiler. There were but two others who claimed that distinction—Salmon P. Chase, from Ohio, and John P. Hale, from New Hampshire. These were but the morning-stars of the great day of emancipation that was so soon to dawn upon a redeemed country, and a disenthralled race. In his letter to the Legislature of the State, accepting the honor of Senatorship, he speaks of the appointment finding him in a private station, and he accepts the office with a grateful consciousness of personal independence; as an honor that had come to him unsought and undesired. I accept it, he continued, as the servant of Massachusetts, mindful of the sentiments solemnly uttered by her successive Legislatures, of the genius which inspires her history, and of the men,—her perpetual pride and ornament,—who breathed into her that breath of liberty which early made her an exampie to her sister States. With me, the union is twice blessed—
ommand obedience duty of Disobeying the Slave law Senator Hale's praises Senator Chase's Eulogium Seward, Wilson, and the Phillips unite European opinions of thhe history of this Republic shall form a part of the annals of the world. Mr. Chase, the Senator from Ohio, used also the following noble language in adopting th sorts, confess it. In addition to what he had already said in the Senate, Mr. Chase also wrote:—I have read, as well as heard, your truly great speech. Hundredsstile to the Constitution, as well as inimical to liberty itself. It did, as Mr. Chase had said, constitute a new era in American history; and future times will proe young man eloquent, Charles Sumner. Xxxv. On the 6th of April, 1853, Mr. Chase, of Ohio, introduced a resolution against secrecy in the proceedings of the Shave striven, by vote and speech, in conjunction with my distinguished friend Mr. Chase, for the limitation of the secret sessions of that body, under shelter of whi
erations; but its memory will endure as long as the English language is spoken, or the history of this Republic shall form a part of the annals of the world. Mr. Chase, the Senator from Ohio, used also the following noble language in adopting the argument of Mr. Sumner against the Fugitive Slave Bill, and in a personal vindicatble, a great, a very great one. That is my opinion, and everybody around me, of all sorts, confess it. In addition to what he had already said in the Senate, Mr. Chase also wrote:—I have read, as well as heard, your truly great speech. Hundreds of thousands will read it, and everywhere it will carry conviction to all willing tst their force: it was slavery that was now branded as sectional, local, narrow, hostile to the Constitution, as well as inimical to liberty itself. It did, as Mr. Chase had said, constitute a new era in American history; and future times will probably regard it as the grandest contribution that has been made to the spirit of Ame
Xxxv. On the 6th of April, 1853, Mr. Chase, of Ohio, introduced a resolution against secrecy in the proceedings of the Senate, which Mr. Sumner supported in a brief speech, in which he used the following language: In the Constitution there is no injunction of secrecy on any of the proceedings of the Senate; nor is there any requirement of publicity. To the Senate is left absolutely the determination of its rules of proceedings. In thus abstaining from all regulation of this matter the framers of the Constitution have obviously regarded it as in all respects within the discretion of the Senate, to be exercised from time to time as it thinks best. The Senate exercises three important functions: first, the legislative or parliamentary power, wherein it acts concurrently with the House of Representatives, as well as the President; secondly, the power to advise and consent to treaties with foreign countries in concurrence with the President; and, thirdly, the power to advise
ow a brief vitality, as the head of a turtle still bites for some days after it is severed from the neck: but it can have no permanent existence. Surely this is not the party of Freedom which we seek. But the incompetency of this party, as the organ of our cause, is enhanced by the uncongenial secrecy in which it had its origin and yet shrouds itself. For myself, let me say that, on the floor of the Senate I have striven, by vote and speech, in conjunction with my distinguished friend Mr. Chase, for the limitation of the secret sessions of that body, under shelter of which so much of the business of the nation is transacted, and I have there presented the example of that ancient Roman, —who bade his architect so to construct his house that his guests and all that they did might be seen by the world,—as a fit model for American institutions. What I have urged there I now urge here. But the special aims which this party proposes, seems to be in harmony with the darkness in which
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eighth: the war of the Rebellion. (search)
ional Government Slavery is impossible. The argument is as brief as it is unanswerable. Slavery is so odious that it can exist only by virtue of positive law, plain and unequivocal; but no such words can be found in the Constitution. Therefore Slavery is impossible within the exclusive jurisdiction of the National Government. For many years I have had this conviction, and have constantly maintained it. I am glad to believe that it is implied, if not expressed, in the Chicago Platform. Mr. Chase, among our public men, is known to accept it sincerely. Thus Slavery in the Territories is unconstitutional; but if the Rebel territory falls under the exclusive jurisdiction of the National Government, then Slavery will be impossible there. In a legal and constitutional sense, it will die at once. The air will be too pure for a slave. I cannot doubt that this great triumph has been already won. The moment that the States fell, Slavery fell also; so that even without any Proclamation o
ional Government Slavery is impossible. The argument is as brief as it is unanswerable. Slavery is so odious that it can exist only by virtue of positive law, plain and unequivocal; but no such words can be found in the Constitution. Therefore Slavery is impossible within the exclusive jurisdiction of the National Government. For many years I have had this conviction, and have constantly maintained it. I am glad to believe that it is implied, if not expressed, in the Chicago Platform. Mr. Chase, among our public men, is known to accept it sincerely. Thus Slavery in the Territories is unconstitutional; but if the Rebel territory falls under the exclusive jurisdiction of the National Government, then Slavery will be impossible there. In a legal and constitutional sense, it will die at once. The air will be too pure for a slave. I cannot doubt that this great triumph has been already won. The moment that the States fell, Slavery fell also; so that even without any Proclamation o
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eleventh: his death, and public honors to his memory. (search)
litical economy are not studied, far less understood, by the majority of our public men. The days of scholars and thinkers of the higher order, the days of Seward, Chase, and Sumner, seem to be numbered. A species of rowdyism, Butlerism, with an obliquity of moral vision which looks past the right, and mistakes success for honest ill be remembered longer, or more gratefully than he. He walked on a higher plane than Mr. Seward. He went deeper into the merits of the anti-slavery cause than Mr. Chase. He was the most inflexible man of his time, as well as the most polished and erudite of his contemporaries. His industry was even more vast than his learning.sman literally resisted oppression of every form-even unto blood; and he laid down his life for his brethren. The old Anti-Slavery leaders are fast passing away. Chase and Stanton are gone, and John Brown and Lincoln are in their tombs; and to-morrow the mortal remains of Sumner will be laid in their last resting-place. But the
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