Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. You can also browse the collection for Horace Greeley or search for Horace Greeley in all documents.

Your search returned 17 results in 10 document sections:

C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section first: Parentage and education. (search)
ther of the Republic, which filled the country with grief, and threw distant nations into mourning, there have been but three funerals in America which bore even a faint resemblance to that, in the depth and extent of the public sorrow; and these have all occurred within the last few years:—The first was of Abraham Lincoln, who holds the next place to Washington in the hearts of our people, and who is enshrined among the few beloved names which all mankind cherish:— The second was of Horace Greeley, whose death revealed so wide-spread and strangely tender an affection amongst all classes and conditions of men:— And now comes the last name in this wonderful triumvirate of great, gifted, and good men, who, taken together, will in ages to come be mentioned on the same historic page, whenever the leaf is turned which records memorials of the astounding events which have transpired so near the close of our First Hundred Years. We by no means intimate that they alone will reflect a<
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eighth: the war of the Rebellion. (search)
s or camps, except when specially ordered by the General commanding. In Horace Greeley's American Conflict, the author well says: Never was a therefore more me the great body-guard of the Union. Xlviii. In his American Conflict, Mr. Greeley estimates the number of colored troops in the service, from first to last, ar. Sumner at Cooper Institute, September 10, 1863, on Our Foreign Relations, Mr. Greeley, who had been suspected of a lack of cordial approval of some of Mr. Sumner'e were too earnest to be readily suppressed. Again we quote the words of Horace Greeley, in an article signed by his name, in the N. Y. Independent, entitled Charlnd a spirit of hearty goodwill to the South; for in his case, as in that of Horace Greeley, Gerrit Smith, and many others of the most enthusiastic champions of Freedo prostration. The first hand extended to the Chief of the Rebellion was by Horace Greeley, in the bail-bond of Jeff. Davis, for which he received the jeers of thousa
instances. Yet these officers could all plead, in behalf of their conduct, the infamous Order No. 3, of Major-General Halleck, in which he said: We will prove to them—Slave-holders—that we come to restore, not to violate, the Constitution and the laws. * * * It does not belong to the military to decide upon the relation of master and slave: such questions must be settled by the civil courts. No fugitive slaves will, therefore, be admitted within our lines or camps, except when specially ordered by the General commanding. In Horace Greeley's American Conflict, the author well says: Never was a therefore more misplaced. How were the persons presenting themselves adjudged to be or known as fugitive slaves? Plainly, by the color of their skins, and that only. The sole end of this regulation was the remanding of all slaves to their masters,—seven-eighths of whom were most envenomed, implacable Rebels—by depriving them of refuge within our lines from those masters'
Xlviii. In his American Conflict, Mr. Greeley estimates the number of colored troops in the service, from first to last, at 180,000, of whom 29,298 died: the largest military African force we have any knowledge of in history, ever mustered into the service of any government, and the proportion of loss being very much larger than among our White troops, of which only one in ten died in the service, while of the Black troops, the loss was nearly one to six. This does not look like a record of cowardice, or incapacity. It is believed that, take their record all through, it was unsurpassed in courage, fidelity, and patriotism; while in steadiness, patience, and subordination, it was perhaps unrivalled. Nor should another thing be overlooked, although it can be easily accounted for. It improves the manner, the spirit, and the whole bearing of any man to enter a military service; but the effect upon the Black troops was still more perceptible. Inured to obedience, and gifted wi
Liii. In the memorable speech of Mr. Sumner at Cooper Institute, September 10, 1863, on Our Foreign Relations, Mr. Greeley, who had been suspected of a lack of cordial approval of some of Mr. Sumner's views, said in a communication to the Independent: Mr. Sumner's speech is not, therefore, a mere rehearsal and arraignment of national wrongs already endured; it is a protest and a warning against those which are imminently threatened. In showing how deeply, flagrantly, France and England have already sinned against us, he admonishes them against persistence in the evil course on which they have entered, against aggravating beyond endurance the indignities and outrages they have already heaped upon us. * * Mr. Sumner's is the authentic voice, not of the mob, but of the people. He utters the sentiments of the conscientious, the intelligent, the peacelov-ing. His inoffensive protest against the wrongs to which we have been subjected, is utterly devoid of swagger or menace. It
, as by previous appointment, to the election, which was by viva voce. The roll was called, and thirty-three Senators out of thirty-six again announced Mr. Sumner to be their first choice; while one hundred and ninety-four as against forty-one, proclaimed the same preference in the House of Representatives. When the result was announced, —an unusual thing in a Massachusetts Legislature,—manifestations of applause were too earnest to be readily suppressed. Again we quote the words of Horace Greeley, in an article signed by his name, in the N. Y. Independent, entitled Charles Sumner as a Statesman: For the first time in our political history, a party has been organized and a State ticket nominated for the sole purpose of defeating the reelection of one who is not a State officer, and never aspired to be. Governor Andrew is regarded with a hostility intensified by the fewness of those who feel it; but the bitterness with which Mr. Sumner is hated insists on the gratification of a
bject, of how we should treat the Rebel States. The policy Mr. Sumner proposed in the beginning, he adhered to till the end. It was dictated by enlightened judgment, and a spirit of hearty goodwill to the South; for in his case, as in that of Horace Greeley, Gerrit Smith, and many others of the most enthusiastic champions of Freedom, their hostility was against a system of wrong, rather than against the wrong-doer. They wanted to see the system exterminated, without the ruin of its upholders. There was, therefore, nothing strange in what could hardly be understood at the time—the expression of so much sympathy with the South in her prostration. The first hand extended to the Chief of the Rebellion was by Horace Greeley, in the bail-bond of Jeff. Davis, for which he received the jeers of thousands. While the war lasted, these men advocated its prosecution with unrelenting vigor. When it ceased, the cry went out, All hands to the rescue—save what we can from the wreck! And, without
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section tenth: downfall of the Rebellion. (search)
arolina Address to the American people Sumner's letter to the Colored Convention his advice to the Convention Colored National Convention, New Orleans a friend's last evening with Sumner Sumner at home last speech in the Senate I. Mr. Greeley has given, towards the close of his American Conflict, an affecting description of the parting of Lee with his devoted followers. He says: It was a sad one. Of the proud army which, dating its victories from Bull Run, had driven McClellsed some hours with his Cabinet, to listen to a report from Gen. Grant, who had just arrived from Appomattox, and it was proposed that the party should seek some relaxation from the labors and excitements of the day, by attending the theatre. Mr. Greeley gives the following simple account: At 8 P. M., the President and his wife, with two others, rode to the theatre, and were ushered into the private box previously secured by him; where, at 10 1/2 P. M., while all were intent on the play, a
I. Mr. Greeley has given, towards the close of his American Conflict, an affecting description of the parting of Lee with his devoted followers. He says: It was a sad one. Of the proud army which, dating its victories from Bull Run, had driven McClellan from before Richmond, and withstood his best efforts at Antietam, and shattered Burnside's host at Fredericksburg, and worsted Hooker at Chancellorsville, and fought Meade so stoutly, though unsuccessfully, before Gettysburg, and baffled Grant's bounteous resources and desperate efforts in the Wilderness, at Spottsylvania, on the North Anna, at Cold Harbor, and before Petersburg and Richmond,--a mere wreck remained. It is said that 27,000 were included in Lee's capitulation; but of these not more than 10,000 had been able to carry their arms thus far on their hopeless and almost foodless flight. Barely nineteen miles from Richmond when surrendered, the physical possibility of forcing their way thither, even at the cost of
raise over the ruins of that historic fortress, the very flag which Anderson had borne away with him when he was driven in helplessness from his post. All through the country it was a gala day. Peace had come, with victory. The President had passed some hours with his Cabinet, to listen to a report from Gen. Grant, who had just arrived from Appomattox, and it was proposed that the party should seek some relaxation from the labors and excitements of the day, by attending the theatre. Mr. Greeley gives the following simple account: At 8 P. M., the President and his wife, with two others, rode to the theatre, and were ushered into the private box previously secured by him; where, at 10 1/2 P. M., while all were intent on the play, an actor of Baltimore birth,—John Wilkes Booth by name, son of the more eminent English-born tragedian, Junius Brutus Booth,—availing himself of that freedom usually accorded at theatres to actors, entered at the front door, stood for a few moments, a