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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,788 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 514 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 260 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 194 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 168 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 7. (ed. Frank Moore) 166 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 152 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 150 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 132 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 122 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. You can also browse the collection for Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) or search for Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) in all documents.

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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
together. Nor do any words employed in our day denounce it with an indignation more burning than that which glowed on the lips of the fathers. Mr. Morris, of Pennsylvania, said in Convention, that he would never concur in upholding domestic slavery. It is a nefarious institution. In another mood, and with mild judicial phrase,will go, shall never be wanting. When the earliest Congress assembled, under the Constitution, a petition was early presented from the Abolition Society of Pennsylvania, signed by Benjamin Franklin, as President. This venerable man, whose active life had been devoted to the welfare of mankind at home and abroad, who both ashem at a good profit, and take it as a great favor. The Wilmot Proviso next receives the notice of the address. An obscure member of Congress from the State of Pennsylvania, but who became a powerful champion of the new Party, had introduced a resolution prohibiting the extension of slavery over soil then free. This measure w
together. Nor do any words employed in our day denounce it with an indignation more burning than that which glowed on the lips of the fathers. Mr. Morris, of Pennsylvania, said in Convention, that he would never concur in upholding domestic slavery. It is a nefarious institution. In another mood, and with mild judicial phrase,will go, shall never be wanting. When the earliest Congress assembled, under the Constitution, a petition was early presented from the Abolition Society of Pennsylvania, signed by Benjamin Franklin, as President. This venerable man, whose active life had been devoted to the welfare of mankind at home and abroad, who both ashem at a good profit, and take it as a great favor. The Wilmot Proviso next receives the notice of the address. An obscure member of Congress from the State of Pennsylvania, but who became a powerful champion of the new Party, had introduced a resolution prohibiting the extension of slavery over soil then free. This measure w
speaks. Early in the Convention, Gouverneur Morris, of Pennsylvania, broke forth in the language of an Abolitionist: He nevtant character, proceeded from the Abolition Society of Pennsylvania, and was signed by Benjamin Franklin, as President. Th South Carolina, and North Carolina, with minorities in Pennsylvania and Maryland, united in this proposition. In pursuancee effort drew attention and opposition. Mr. Wilson, of Pennsylvania, at once objected: This would oblige the Executive of tunal of the land. A similar claim has been asserted in Pennsylvania, and thus far been sustained by the court. A blameless,0397,79239,831 3,000 New York17,7813,31221,093 8,750 Pennsylvania25,6087,35732,965 2,000 New Jersey10,7276,05516,782 2,5presented in his letters. Writing to Governor Reed, of Pennsylvania, under date of 3d May, 1781, he says:— Those whost; but his simple nature, nurtured in the atmosphere of Pennsylvania, revolted at the service required, and he turned from h
elfare, and secure the blessings of Liberty. Here, surely, Liberty is national. Secondly. Next in importance to the Preamble are the explicit contemporaneous declarations in the Convention which framed the Constitution, and elsewhere, expressed in different forms of language, but all tending to the same conclusion. By the Preamble, the Constitution speaks for Freedom. By these declarations, the Fathers speak as the Constitution speaks. Early in the Convention, Gouverneur Morris, of Pennsylvania, broke forth in the language of an Abolitionist: He never would concur in upholding domestic slavery. It was a nefarious institution. It was the curse of Heaven on the State where it prevailed. Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut, said: The morality or wisdom of Slavery are considerations belonging to the States themselves. According to him, Slavery was sectional. At a later day, a discussion ensued on the clause touching the African slave trade, which reveals the definitive purposes o
an odious degradation, but an outrageous violation of one of the most essential rights of human nature, and utterly repugnant to the precepts of the Gospel. Still another, of a more important character, proceeded from the Abolition Society of Pennsylvania, and was signed by Benjamin Franklin, as President. This venerable man, whose active life had been devoted to the welfare of mankind at home and abroad—who, both as philosopher and statesman, had arrested the admiration of the world—who had rof Rights: That it be explicitly declared, that all powers not expressly delegated by the aforesaid Constitution are reserved to the several States, to be by them exercised. Virginia, South Carolina, and North Carolina, with minorities in Pennsylvania and Maryland, united in this proposition. In pursuance of these recommendations, the first Congress presented for adoption the following article, which, being ratified by a proper number of States, became part of the Constitution, as the 10th
Arabian tale, to the power and dimensions of a giant. The next article under discussion provided for the surrender of fugitives from justice. Mr. Butler and Mr. Charles Pinckney, both from South Carolina, now moved openly to require fugitive slaves and servants to be delivered up like criminals. Here was no disguise. With Hamlet it was now said in spirit: Seems, madam, nay, it is; I know not seems. But the very boldness of the effort drew attention and opposition. Mr. Wilson, of Pennsylvania, at once objected: This would oblige the Executive of the State to do it at the public expense. Mr. Sherman, of Connecticut, saw no more propriety in the public seizing and surrendering a slave or servant, than a horse. Under the pressure of these objections, the offensive proposition was quietly withdrawn— never more to be renewed. The article for the surrender of criminals was then adopted. On the next day, 29th August, profiting by the suggestions already made, Mr. Butler moved a p
tical subjugation of the National Government, but the actual introduction of Slavery into the Free States. The vaunt has been made, that slaves will yet be counted in the secret shadow of the monument on Bunker Hill, and more than one step has been taken towards this effrontery. A person of Virginia has asserted his right to hold slaves in New York on the way to Texas; and this claim is still pending before the highest judicial tribunal of the land. A similar claim has been asserted in Pennsylvania, and thus far been sustained by the court. A blameless citizen, who—in obedience to his generous impulses and in harmony with the received law—merely gave notice to a person held as a slave in a Free State, that she was in reality free, has been thrust into jail, and now, after the lapse of months, still languishes there, the victim of this pretension; while,—that no excess might be wanting in the madness of this tyranny—the great writ of Habeas Corpus, proudly known as the writ of del
tal troops.Conjectural estimate of militia. Northern States. New Hampshire12,4962,09314,5987,300 Massachusetts67,93715,15583,092 9,500 Rhode Island5,9084,28410,192 1,500 Connecticut32,0397,79239,831 3,000 New York17,7813,31221,093 8,750 Pennsylvania25,6087,35732,965 2,000 New Jersey10,7276,05516,782 2,500 ———————— Total172,49646,048218,553 30,950 Southern States. Delaware2,3873762,7631,000 Maryland13,9125,46419,3764,000 Virginia26,6724,16330,83521,880 North Carolina7,2632,7169,969scued from the British power. But the trials of this successful leader reveal, in a striking manner, the weakness of the slaveholding State which he saved. Some of these are graphically presented in his letters. Writing to Governor Reed, of Pennsylvania, under date of 3d May, 1781, he says:— Those whose true interest it was to have informed Congress and the people to the northward of the real state of things, have joined in the deception, and magnified the strength and resour
ondly, that violence or fraud, wherever disclosed, vitiates completely every proceeding. In denying these principles, you place the certificate above the thing certified, and give a perpetual lease to violence and fraud, merely because at an ephemeral moment they are unquestioned. This will not do. Sir, I am no apologist for Governor Reeder. There is sad reason to believe that he went to Kansas originally as tool of the President; but his simple nature, nurtured in the atmosphere of Pennsylvania, revolted at the service required, and he turned from his patron to duty. Grievously did he err in yielding to the Legislature any act of authentication but in some measure he has answered for this error by determined effort since to expose the utter illegality of that body, which he now repudiates entirely. It was said of certain Roman Emperors, who did infinite mischief in their beginnings and infinite good towards their end, that they should never have been born or never died; and I
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Sixth: the interval of illness and repose. (search)
ness in the spinal column, would render any early recovery an impossibility. He became the guest of Francis P. Blair, at Silver Spring—within an easy carriage ride of Washington. In the fore part of July, he found himself well enough to go on to Philadelphia, where he received the kindest attention from the family of Mr. James T. Furness. At their invitation, he went with them to Cape May. Afterwards, under advice of Dr. R. N. Jackson, he was removed to Cresson, among the highlands of Pennsylvania. But no signs of immediate restoration appeared, and in the beginning of October he once more reached his home in Boston. This return he had postponed, at the earnest persuasion of his medical adviser, who foresaw that his entry to Boston would be attended with the greatest excitement, for the feeling which inflamed the people of Massachusetts, of indignation on the one side, and of the tenderest affection on the other, could not be repressed. Ii. The welcome which Massachusetts e
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