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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 16 (search)
use in 1873, and Mr. Seward himself, instead of saying that John Brown was justly hung, may dare then to declaim, as Charles O'Connor does now, in the Supreme Court at Albany:-- A man who knows that the law under which he lives violates the firs Brown the tribute of their admiration, or from his deeds the sanction of their approval? That is the opinion of Charles O'Connor, the head of the New York Bar, the new-fledged orator of Democracy, and the counsel for Virginia in the Lemmon case.he United States? Well, I think the Historical Society had better take it for their Museum. [Laughter and applause.] Mr. O'Connor, too, who gave the key-note to the New York meeting. The only argument he has for the Union is his assurance that, ifust have been under the influence of an anodyne to have forgotten, but which, perhaps, it is better, on the whole, for Mr. O'Connor, being an Irishman, to recollect. It is this: in case of dissolving, we shall no longer own the grave of Washington,
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Mobs and education. (search)
eting of the 3d of December, [applause and cries of Good, ] and, without violating the right of free speech, organized it, and spoke the sober sense of Boston! I propose to examine the events of that morning, in order to see what idea our enlightened press entertain of the way in which gentlemen take possession of a meeting, and the fitness of those gentlemen to take possession of a meeting. On the 3d of December, certain gentlemen--Rev. J. Sella Martin, James Redpath, Mr. Eldridge, Mr. O'Connor, Mr. Le Barnes-hired the Temple for a Convention to assemble at their request. The circular which they issued a month before, in November, invited the leaders and representatives of all the antislavery bodies, and those who have done honor to their own souls by the advocacy of human freedom, to meet them in convention. Certainly the fops and the clerks of Boston could not come under that description. The notice published the day before proclaimed that the convention was not met for deb
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 18 (search)
all connection with it, all vassalage to it, immediately, would be a better, healthier, and more wholesome cure, than to let the Republican party exert this gradual influence through the power of the government for thirty or sixty years. We are seeking the best way to get rid of a great national evil. Mr. Seward's way is to take the Union as a fixed fact, and then educate politics up to a certain level. In that way we have to live, like Sinbad, with Gushing and Hillard and Hallett and O'Connor and Douglas, and men like them, on our shoulders, for the next thirty or forty years; with the Deweys and President Lords, and all that class of men,--and all this timid servility of the press, all this lack of virtue and manhood, all this corruption of the pulpit, all this fossil hunkerism, all this selling of the soul for a mess of pottage, is to linger, working in the body politic for thirty or forty years, and we are gradually to eliminate the disease! What an awful future What a miser