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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1. Search the whole document.

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Haverhill (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
On the next, she puts you into Providence jail, at the suggestion of your friends, for safe keeping from your enemies. Thompson she transports to Pittsburgh; and she says I am here because I dare not go back to Boston. It is thus we relieve the tediousness and monotony of those who have nothing to do but to scandalize and gossip. I have just received a letter from Brother May, written September 2, 1835. immediately after his meeting was broken up by a shower of brickbats, &c., in Haverhill. By the tone of it you would Lib. 5.143; May's Recollections, p. 152. suppose he had done something better than making a fortune. He manifests a lofty spirit and indomitable courage. Our brother Thompson had a narrow escape from the mob Lib. 5.157; Kennedy's J. G. Whittier, p. 112. at Concord, and Whittier was pelted with mud and stones, but he escaped bodily damage. His soul, being intangible, laughed at the salutation. That some of us will be assassinated or abducted, se
Gulf (Texas, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
ird, an enlarged sheet of the Emancipator; in the fourth, the Slave's Friend, a juvenile magazine—all struck off by the thousand. Of the sum required, $14,500 had been raised at the annual meeting in May; $4,000 by the New England Convention, where Isaac Winslow handed in a thousand-dollar bill. Such a practical programme, backed by such energy and such ready funds, was well calculated to startle the South. On July 10, a group of Southerners, chiefly Lib. 5.115. Mississippian and all Gulf-State, met at the American Hotel in New York, and appointed a committee to prepare an address summoning a public meeting in that city ten days later, to take into consideration the alarming subject now being agitated—the doctrines disseminated and the measures adopted by some of their fellow-citizens of the non-slaveholding States, avowing a solemn determination to effect an immediate and unconditional emancipation of the slaves at the South; and to avert the disastrous consequences of such
Pocotaligo (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
—am involved in almost equal peril. I have just received a letter written evidently by a friendly hand, in which I am apprised that my life is sought after, and a reward of $20,000 has been offered for my head by six Mississippians. He says— Beware of the assassin! May God protect you! and signs himself A Marylander, and a resident of Philadelphia. About the same time must have reached Mr. Garrison a precious Ms. document, postage ($1.50) wilfully unpaid, mailed in his care from Pocotaligo, S. C., by W. Ferguson Hutson, Secretary of the Vigilance Committee of Prince William's Parish, and addressed to Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire, as the supposed author of a certain incendiary publication called Human Rights. The writer hints at offering rewards for the abduction of the leading men who are thirsting for our blood—your Tappans, Garrisons, and Woodburys—and thinks the Yankees would readily turn to vending more profitable notions than wooden nutmegs. To the same, September
Plainfield, Mass. (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
quaintance or by candid perusal of his writings. A single contemporary instance will show the force of this ignorance and prejudice even in the most enlightened and unbigoted and humanitarian circles. At Concord, Mass., on his Middlesex County lecturing tour, Charles C. Burleigh A native of Plainfield, Conn., born in 1810, and one of a highly-gifted family of brothers. His father, Rinaldo Burleigh, was a graduate of Yale (1803), acquired a high reputation as teacher of the academy in Plainfield, and became president of the first anti-slavery society in Windham Co. His mother, Lydia Bradford, a native of Canterbury, was a lineal descendant of Governor Wm. Bradford, of the Mayflower. Charles Burleigh was admitted to the bar in January, 1835, his examination showing remarkable proficiency. Already, however, his editorial defence of Miss Crandall (ante. p. 416) had committed him to the cause of abolition, and he soon exchanged his brilliant professional prospects for the hardships,
Charleston (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
, as ours is, upon the rights of man—would seem to be incompatible with each other. And yet at this time the democracy of the country is supported chiefly if not entirely by slavery. There is a small, shallow, and enthusiastic party preaching the abolition of slavery upon the principles of extreme democracy; but the democratic spirit and the popular feeling is everywhere against them. There have been riots at Washington, not much inferior in activity to those at Baltimore. . . . In Charleston, S. C., the principal men of the State, with the late Governor Hayne at their head, seize upon the mail, with the co-operation of the Postmaster himself, and purify it of the abolition pamphlets; After the burning, the Charleston Committee of Twenty-one arranged with the postmaster to suppress anti-slavery documents in the office. The mail-packets were boarded on crossing the bar, and kept anchored till morning, or until the Committee could make their inspection. and the Postmaster-Genera
Canterbury (Connecticut, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
all speeches. A double gallows for himself and Thompson is erected before his home in Boston. Always the opening year brought fresh anxiety to the editor of the Liberator. January, 1835, found him hampered with the expenses of the withdrawn Canterbury suits, and staggering under the load of the Ms. Dec. 3, 1834, Arnold Buffum to B. C. Bacon. paper, which had latterly been issued quite irregularly, though without a lapse in the series: The truth is, he wrote to his father-in-law on Janers. His father, Rinaldo Burleigh, was a graduate of Yale (1803), acquired a high reputation as teacher of the academy in Plainfield, and became president of the first anti-slavery society in Windham Co. His mother, Lydia Bradford, a native of Canterbury, was a lineal descendant of Governor Wm. Bradford, of the Mayflower. Charles Burleigh was admitted to the bar in January, 1835, his examination showing remarkable proficiency. Already, however, his editorial defence of Miss Crandall (ante. p.
Waterford, Me. (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
s of an anti-slavery lecturer. As an orator he was unsurpassed in fluency, logical strictness, and fervor, lacking only the measure of time and space. His tall figure, noble countenance, and unconventional dress, with sandy flowing beard and long ringlets, made his personal appearance as unique as his talent.had a friendly conversation with Miss Emerson, the maiden aunt of the poet: Mary Moody Emerson, a very quaint personage. She was born in 1773 and died in 1863. Her home was in Waterford, Me. (See Worthy women of our first century. pp. 114, 120, 138, 152, 175; Atlantic Monthly, December, 1883.) Why do you have that Garrison engaged in your cause? Ms. April 3, 1835, to S. J. May. said she, and proceeded to express her strong dislike of him and his paper. You might as well ask me, I replied, why we permit the rivers to flow on in their channels, for the one could be prevented as easily as the other, while life remains, and the physical power to labor, in Garrison. We
Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
Mississippi, with the hanging of two of its white promoters Described as steam-doctors, i.e., Thomsonians (see Bartlett's Dictionary of Americanisms, s. v.) The plot was said to have embraced the extermination of the whites from Maryland to Louisiana. The abolitionists were not accused (as an association) of having any hand in it, but were of course vaguely connected with it (see Memoirs of S. S. Prentiss, 1.162). The local excitement was greatly intensified by the barbarous lynching of whevery family with assassins. Southern demonstrations against them, as power which is exerted in palpable selfdefence, were not lawless. Abolitionists might have a right to circulate their documents in New York, where it was lawful, but not in Louisiana or Georgia. The State laws against such circulation were not voidable in the case of Federal officials, nor could postmasters and mail-carriers be protected against the penalties of State laws. Was it to give impunity to crime that the sever
Plymouth, N. H. (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
dressed to George Benson, alias Wm. Lloyd Garrison: Every line from you, assuring me of the continued safety Ms. and repose of dear Thompson, awakens thankfulness to God in my heart. I am rather sorry that he has concluded to visit Plymouth [N. H.] at present; for, though his personal risk may not be great, yet it is more than probable that if he attempts to speak, the meeting will be disturbed. There is yet too much fever, and too little rationality, in the public mind, either for hn to W. L. Garrison. Marblehead Beach, Tuesday night, Ms. September 15, 1835. my dear brother Garrison: Your letter of the 3d, obtained on my return from the Granite State, was truly refreshing. Its advice with reference to my visit to Plymouth [N. H.] was received too late. I am not sorry, as I had the privilege of giving three lectures to quiet, respectable, and very intelligent audiences, including many of the delegates to the General Association, then in session. We had a delightful
Baltimore, Md. (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
ly the democracy founded, as ours is, upon the rights of man—would seem to be incompatible with each other. And yet at this time the democracy of the country is supported chiefly if not entirely by slavery. There is a small, shallow, and enthusiastic party preaching the abolition of slavery upon the principles of extreme democracy; but the democratic spirit and the popular feeling is everywhere against them. There have been riots at Washington, not much inferior in activity to those at Baltimore. . . . In Charleston, S. C., the principal men of the State, with the late Governor Hayne at their head, seize upon the mail, with the co-operation of the Postmaster himself, and purify it of the abolition pamphlets; After the burning, the Charleston Committee of Twenty-one arranged with the postmaster to suppress anti-slavery documents in the office. The mail-packets were boarded on crossing the bar, and kept anchored till morning, or until the Committee could make their inspection. a
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