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Washington (United States) (search for this): chapter 7
l of his own; and in August, 1830, he issued the following prospectus, of which the original draft, in his clear handwriting, is probably the only complete copy now in existence: Proposals Ms. for publishing a weekly periodical in Washington city, to be entitled the public Liberator, and Journal of the Times. The primary object of this publication will be the abolition of slavery, and the moral and intellectual elevation of our colored population. The Capital of our Union is obvihia. The premiummoney may be deposited in the hands of the President, Wm. Rawle. I am now on an Eastern tour for the purpose of delivering public addresses on the subject of slavery, of obtaining subscriptions to my proposed new paper at Washington City, of establishing a National Anti-Slavery Tract Society, &c., &c. I shall leave Hartford for Boston this morning, where I shall probably reside some time, and to which place please to address your next letter as soon as convenient. Your fr
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
ithout a cause; you have not given me enough to eat and drink; and I don't want to go back again. I wish you to sell me to another master—I had rather even go to Georgia than to return home. I'll let you know, you villain, said the master, that my wishes, and not yours, are to be consulted. I'll learn you how to run away agais another poem of half a dozen stanzas, inspired by a speech of Senator Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, in the United States Senate, in denunciation of the plots in Georgia to dispossess the Cherokee Indians of their lands. If the dominant party in the Senate, wrote Mr. Garrison, in sending his poem First printed in the National nius, had not been more insensate than marble statues, or their hearts more impenetrable than polar ice, his speech would have effectually checked the rapacity of Georgia, and rescued the American name from eternal infamy. Their positive refusal to observe the faith of treaties caps the climax of party depravity, which, in this i
Brooklyn, Conn. (Connecticut, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
s, and the audience included Dr. Lyman Beecher, Rev. Ezra S. Gannett, Deacon Moses Grant, and John Tappan (a brother of Arthur)—the last two, well-known and respected merchants; Rev. Samuel J. May, then settled as a Unitarian minister at Brooklyn, Connecticut, and the only one of the denomination in that State; his cousin, Samuel E. Sewall, a young Boston lawyer; and his brother-in-law, A. Bronson Alcott. It was natural that Mr. Sewall should find himself in sympathy with Mr. Garrison. His that he read the fifty-eighth chapter of Isaiah in his morning service. Five years later he was interested in the Rev. John Rankin's Letters on slavery, and when Lundy made his second visit to New England, in June, 1828, he was welcomed to Brooklyn, Conn., by Mr. May, and held a large meeting in the latter's church. (See Memoir of Samuel Joseph May, pp. 139, 140.)Mr. May has thus described the occasion: Presently the young man arose, modestly, but with an air May's Recollections of
New Jersey (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
magnify thy name. He furthermore wrote a series of twenty stanzas in fair Lib. 1.92. Byronic metre, chiefly addressed to a young lady whom he had met but once, some three years before, but whose personal attractions had touched his susceptibilities. His incidental description of a Boston election week or June training has been quoted in a previous Ante, p. 79. chapter. Noticeable, also, is another poem of half a dozen stanzas, inspired by a speech of Senator Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, in the United States Senate, in denunciation of the plots in Georgia to dispossess the Cherokee Indians of their lands. If the dominant party in the Senate, wrote Mr. Garrison, in sending his poem First printed in the National Journal, Washington. It bore date Baltimore Jail, May 22, 1830, and was the hasty effusion of a moment. to G. U. E., July, 1830, pp. 54, 55. the Genius, had not been more insensate than marble statues, or their hearts more impenetrable than polar ice, his sp
Portland (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
hing the Genius of Universal Emancipation as published by you previous to its assuming the pamphlet form. Such a paper is much needed to hold up to American freemen, in all its naked deformity, the subject of slavery as it now exists in our country; and I earnestly hope you will find encouragement to resume it and to give it a wide circulation. I am with esteem Yr. obt. servant, Arthur Tappan. Arthur Tappan (1786-1865), a native of Northampton, Mass., began his business career in Portland, Me., in 1807, removing thence in 1809 to Montreal, where he prospered until the War of 1812 destroyed his business and compelled him to leave Canada at a great sacrifice. Establishing himself in New York in 1815, he succeeded eventually in building up a large and profitable silk trade, and became one of the best-known merchants in the country, whose name was a synonym for uprightness. A man of the most simple tastes and frugal habits, he gave lavishly of his fortune to aid the religious and
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 7
chant, of Newburyport, (Mass.) sir: As a New-England man, and a fellow-townsman, I am ashamed ofhan George D. Prentice, then conducting the New England Weekly Review at Hartford. He was at that Note. . . . No doubt many merchants in New England will condemn me, for the significant reasonon of slaves is almost entirely effected in New England bottoms!!!—The case of Mr. Todd is not a raregarded all sectional feelings, and that a New-England assistant was as liable to reprehension as nd that it would be a rod over the backs of New-England merchants generally. Having proved, on mt of the purchase. I must ever regret that New England men were engaged in the inhuman traffic, but's columns, and this letter—in which, as a New-England mechanic who is not ashamed of his trade, hcent from Judge Sewall, see Titcomb's Early New England people, pp. 217-223.) Mr. May (who was bornry, and when Lundy made his second visit to New England, in June, 1828, he was welcomed to Brooklyn<
Newbury, Mass. (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
e, a spirit of philanthropy as comprehensive and universal as the one blood of all nations of men, a liberality rarely paralleled in the consecration of his means to deliver the oppressed and to relieve suffering humanity in all its multifarious aspects, and a piety that proved its depth and genuineness by the fruits it bore, his example is to be held up for imitation to the latest posterity. (See Life of Arthur Tappan, p. 424.) The founder of the Tappan family in this country settled in Newbury, Mass., so that Mr. Garrison's benefactor, like himself, was of Essex County descent (Hist. and Genealogical Register, 14.327, and for Jan., 1880, pp. 48-55). The Warden's receipt for $5.34 in payment of jail fees shows that Mr. Garrison was released on the 5th of June, 1830, after an imprisonment of forty-nine days. Two days later he started for Massachusetts, to obtain certain evidence which his counsel deemed important for the trial yet pending on Todd's suit. He took with him a written
Hallowell (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
uryport, Mass., in 1776. he was a descendant in the fifth generation of Richard Dole, of Newbury, by his first wife. The second wife, Hannah Brocklebank, widow of Capt. Samuel Brocklebank (ante, p. 3), was an ancestor of Mr. Garrison's. at Hallowell, Maine. Baltimore, July 14, 1830. Ms. respected and benevolent sir: At the request of my Counsel, and at the desire of my friend Lundy, I visited Boston and Newburyport a few weeks since, in order to get some essential evidence to be used in in a colored church, and roused up a good deal of interest in the breasts of the colored inhabitants. In all these places converts and friends were made among the whites. From Hartford he addressed this letter to Rev. George Shepard, of Hallowell, Maine, of whose church his recent benefactor, Ebenezer Dole, was a member, and who had consulted him with reference to an offer which Mr. Dole proposed to make, anonymously, of $50 premium for the best tract on slavery: W. L. Garrison to r
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
rief Sketch of the Trial of William Lloyd Garrison, for an alleged libel on Francis Todd, of Massachusetts. To this he invited the attention of the public, and of editors generally, as containing mu at the expiration of my visit. . . . A Card: to Mr. Francis Todd, merchant, of Newburyport, (Mass.) sir: As a New-England man, and a fellow-townsman, I am ashamed of your conduct. How could ye 5th of June, 1830, after an imprisonment of forty-nine days. Two days later he started for Massachusetts, to obtain certain evidence which his counsel deemed important for the trial yet pending on cision in his case (Genius of Universal Emancipation, Oct., 1830, p. 98). As his trip to Massachusetts had failed to afford any encouragement for the renewal of his partnership with Lundy, and thson now proceeded to Newburyport, resolved that his native town should be the first place in Massachusetts to hear his lectures on slavery. Dr. Daniel Dana, pastor of the Presbyterian church on Harr
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 7
t they possess the same faculties and capacities as the whites? Certainly, sir, I responded; I do not know that there is any moral or intellectual quality in the curl of the hair or the color of the skin. I cannot conceive why a black man may not as reasonably object to my color, as I to his. Sir, it is not a black face that I detest, but a black heart—and I find it very often under a white skin. Well, sir, said my querist, how should you like to see a black man President of the United States? As to that, sir, I am a true republican, and bow to the will of the majority. If the people prefer a black President, I shall cheerfully submit; and if he be qualified for the station, may peradventure give him my vote. How should you like to have a black man marry your daughter? I am not married—I have no daughter. Sir, I am not familiar with your practices; but allow me to say, that slaveholders generally should be the last persons to affect fastidiousness on that point;
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