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Topsham (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 19
the absorbing Lib. 29.6. national topic; in Massachusetts, Governor Banks, a Presidential baby at nurse, Lib. 29.107. was equally dumb. Later on, both Chase and Banks prevented their respective legislatures from passing laws such as Vermont had enacted Lib. 28.199; 29.22, 44, 122. to make the trial or rendition of slaves impossible on her soil. In the summer of 1858, Mr. Garrison (in company with the Rev. Samuel May, Jr., and the Rev. N. R. Johnston, pastor of the Covenanter Church at Topsham, Vt.), made an anti-slavery tour of the Green Mountain State, which he had not revisited since he left it to join Lundy in Baltimore (Lib. 28.135,146). These speakers urged the sending up of petitions for an anti-slave-catching law, which were promptly heeded by the Legislature (Lib. 29: 22). See Mr. Garrison's cogent speech before the Massachusetts Legislative Committee on behalf of a similar law on Feb. 24, 1859 (Lib. 29: 34). The legislators' oath to support the U. S. Constitution he off
West Indies (search for this): chapter 19
ove he bears for his fellow-men —and every other test is worthless. . . . By their fruits ye shall know them. Do men gather grapes of thorns, or figs of thistles? — He that loveth not his brother whom he hath seen, how can he love God whom he hath not seen? — Which, now, of these three, thinkest thou, was neighbor unto him that fell among thieves? It was quickly decided that Mr. Parker must seek a warmer climate for the bare chance of recovery, and on February 4 he sailed for the West Indies. Lib. 29.23. W. L. Garrison to Theodore Parker. Boston, January 15, 1859. Ms. As an act of friendly consideration, I have forborne calling to see you, knowing you need to be kept very secluded, and rejoicing to hear that you are so well guarded in this respect; yet I hope it may be possible for me to give you the parting hand, and my benediction at the same time, without burdening you, before you leave the city. Of that you and Mrs. Parker must be the judge. I shall try <
Concord, N. H. (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 19
ism, and throw them into the scale of freedom. It is an indication of progress, and a positive moral growth; it is one way to get up to the sublime platform of non-resistance; and it is God's method of dealing retribution upon the head of the tyrant. Rather than see men wearing their chains in a cowardly and servile spirit, I would, as an advocate of peace, much rather see them breaking the head of the tyrant with their chains. Give me, as a non-resistant, Bunker Hill, and Lexington, and Concord, rather than the cowardice and servility of a Southern slave-plantation. Their common human kindness and hatred of slavery, and their Old Testament inspiration, furnish grounds for an instructive parallel between Garrison and John Brown. He was of the old Puritan stock, said the former at Lib. 29.198. Tremont Temple; a Cromwellian who believed in God, and at the same time in keeping his powder dry. He believed in the sword of the Lord and of Gideon, and acted accordingly. Herein I d
Missouri (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 19
At the Massachusetts Society's anniversary meeting on January Lib. 29.18. 27, 1859, he listened without suspicion to Mr. Higginson's mention of Brown's December raid from Kansas into Lib. 29.7, 18, 47, 55, 119; Sanborn's Life of Brown, p. 481. Missouri—carrying off eleven slaves, whom he conducted to Canada—as an indication of what may come before long; the speaker himself only alluding at that time to [Underground] Railroad business on a somewhat extended scale, Sanborn's Brown, p. 436. to ustion. In the first place, I deny everything but what I have all Lib. 29.175. along admitted—the design on my part to free the slaves. I intended, certainly, to have made a clean thing of that matter, as I did last winter, when I went into Missouri, and there took slaves without the snapping of a gun on either side, moved them through the country, and finally left them in Canada. I designed to have done the same thing again, I. e., to free the slaves—not to run them off. See Brown's exp
Kansas (Kansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 19
sistent in its efforts to prevent the extension of slavery; it has spent a vast amount of money for the purpose of enlightening the public sentiment so as to save Kansas and Nebraska, and the vast territories of the West, from the encroachments of the Slave Power. Let the party have the credit of it. Why not? I know of nothing issachusetts Society's anniversary meeting on January Lib. 29.18. 27, 1859, he listened without suspicion to Mr. Higginson's mention of Brown's December raid from Kansas into Lib. 29.7, 18, 47, 55, 119; Sanborn's Life of Brown, p. 481. Missouri—carrying off eleven slaves, whom he conducted to Canada—as an indication of what may che Marlboroa Chapel on May 24, 1838 (ante, 2: 218, 219)? one Sunday evening in January, 1857, in Theodore Parker's parlors. He saw in the famous Jan. 4, 11, 18? Kansas chieftain a tall, spare, farmer-like man, with head disproportionately small, and that inflexible mouth which Ibid., p. 628. as yet no beard concealed. They di
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 19
me scale with the Democratic Party—that party which is ready for everything that the South desires, in the way of extending and eternizing slavery! How was it in the last Presidential election? Was it nothing to the credit of the Republican Party that no representative of John C. Fremont could stand upon Southern soil, except in peril of his life–when the whole party was outlawed in all the Southern States—when no electoral ticket bearing his name could have been tolerated in Georgia, or Alabama, or Carolina, or any Southern State—and when, if Henry Wilson had dared to go down South and advocate his election to the Presidency, he would have gone there as a man goes to the grave, and never would have come back to Massachusetts alive? When a party stands in that attitude to slavery, and slavery stands in that relation to it, I hold it is unfair and unjust to say that, after all, it is as bad as the party that goes all lengths for the extension and eternization of slavery. . . .
Canada (Canada) (search for this): chapter 19
uary Lib. 29.18. 27, 1859, he listened without suspicion to Mr. Higginson's mention of Brown's December raid from Kansas into Lib. 29.7, 18, 47, 55, 119; Sanborn's Life of Brown, p. 481. Missouri—carrying off eleven slaves, whom he conducted to Canada—as an indication of what may come before long; the speaker himself only alluding at that time to [Underground] Railroad business on a somewhat extended scale, Sanborn's Brown, p. 436. to use Brown's own words to him. The nearest Mr. Garrison had aves. I intended, certainly, to have made a clean thing of that matter, as I did last winter, when I went into Missouri, and there took slaves without the snapping of a gun on either side, moved them through the country, and finally left them in Canada. I designed to have done the same thing again, I. e., to free the slaves—not to run them off. See Brown's explanation to the prosecutor, Andrew Hunter, Nov. 22, 1859 (Sanborn's Life, p. 584). on a larger scale. That was all I intended. I nev<
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 19
ut in the same scale with the Democratic Party—that party which is ready for everything that the South desires, in the way of extending and eternizing slavery! How was it in the last Presidential election? Was it nothing to the credit of the Republican Party that no representative of John C. Fremont could stand upon Southern soil, except in peril of his life–when the whole party was outlawed in all the Southern States—when no electoral ticket bearing his name could have been tolerated in Georgia, or Alabama, or Carolina, or any Southern State—and when, if Henry Wilson had dared to go down South and advocate his election to the Presidency, he would have gone there as a man goes to the grave, and never would have come back to Massachusetts alive? When a party stands in that attitude to slavery, and slavery stands in that relation to it, I hold it is unfair and unjust to say that, after all, it is as bad as the party that goes all lengths for the extension and eternization of slaver
Vermont (Vermont, United States) (search for this): chapter 19
voice of the country should Lib. 29.6. prove to be for slavery extension. The ambitious Governor of Ohio, Salmon P. Chase, a political huckster who hopes to carry his principles to the Presidential market Lib. 29.107. (in Quincy's phraseology), was silent on the absorbing Lib. 29.6. national topic; in Massachusetts, Governor Banks, a Presidential baby at nurse, Lib. 29.107. was equally dumb. Later on, both Chase and Banks prevented their respective legislatures from passing laws such as Vermont had enacted Lib. 28.199; 29.22, 44, 122. to make the trial or rendition of slaves impossible on her soil. In the summer of 1858, Mr. Garrison (in company with the Rev. Samuel May, Jr., and the Rev. N. R. Johnston, pastor of the Covenanter Church at Topsham, Vt.), made an anti-slavery tour of the Green Mountain State, which he had not revisited since he left it to join Lundy in Baltimore (Lib. 28.135,146). These speakers urged the sending up of petitions for an anti-slave-catching law, w
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 19
extension. The ambitious Governor of Ohio, Salmon P. Chase, a political huckster who hopes to carry his principles to the Presidential market Lib. 29.107. (in Quincy's phraseology), was silent on the absorbing Lib. 29.6. national topic; in Massachusetts, Governor Banks, a Presidential baby at nurse, Lib. 29.107. was equally dumb. Later on, both Chase and Banks prevented their respective legislatures from passing laws such as Vermont had enacted Lib. 28.199; 29.22, 44, 122. to make the trian Georgia, or Alabama, or Carolina, or any Southern State—and when, if Henry Wilson had dared to go down South and advocate his election to the Presidency, he would have gone there as a man goes to the grave, and never would have come back to Massachusetts alive? When a party stands in that attitude to slavery, and slavery stands in that relation to it, I hold it is unfair and unjust to say that, after all, it is as bad as the party that goes all lengths for the extension and eternization of s
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