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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 2: the Irish address.—1842. (search)
customary tendency to popular turbulence in this country, the Irish rabble of Philadelphia made their inarticulate, but perfectly intelligible, reply to the Address, by Lib. 12.123, 126, 130, 138, 139. murderous rioting, directed in the first instance against a peaceable colored First of August procession, and ending with the burning of a Beneficial Hall built for moral purposes by one of the more prosperous of the persecuted —a close parallel to the destruction of Pennsylvania Ante, 2.216. Hall. For instance, the firemen would throw no water on the hall or on a colored meeting-house which was also fired. The day following these scenes (Aug. 3) the Grand Jury presented as a nuisance a new temperance hall for the colored people, because—it had twice been fired; and ordered it torn down to avoid a third attempt! (Lib. 12: 126, 130, 133, 134, 138, 146.) The only Philadelphia clergyman who made this shocking outbreak the subject of a discourse was the Unitarian William H. Furness (Li
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 6: third mission to England.—1846. (search)
ed at the artist's we looked out of the window. It was a stormy day. The wind blew off a man's hat, and he had a stiff race after it, and I remember the shock to my feelings that such a great and good man as your father should remark, that he always enjoyed seeing a man running after his hat! (Ms. June 19, 1883, Alfred Webb to F. J. G.) Thompson and Douglass greeted him on October 10 in Liverpool, and took him directly to Wrexham, in Wales, Lib. 17.11. to meet an engagement at the Town Hall, which was packed till midnight. At the Free Trade Hall in Manchester, on October 12, a glorious gathering of four thousand people next awaited him. A short respite permitted him to visit Elizabeth Pease in Darlington, Oct. 14, 1846. and gratified him with the personal assurance of her improving health. At Newcastle, on October 16, the Lib. 16.187. Mayor presided at a meeting which effaced the impression made at Paisley, and this was succeeded by a public Ante, p. 175. breakfast. Liverp
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
e, was now some forty-six years of age. He began life as a boatman on the Hudson River, and, passing easily into the sporting class, went to seek his fortunes as a professional gambler in the paradise of the Southwest. In this region he became familiar with all forms of violence, including the institution of slavery. After many personal hazards and vicissitudes, he returned to New York city, where he proved to be admirably qualified for local political leadership in connection with Tammany Hall. A sporting-house which he opened became a Democratic rendezvous and the headquarters of the Empire Club, an organization of roughs and desperadoes who acknowledged his captaincy. His campaigning in behalf of Polk and Dallas in 1844 secured him the friendly Lib. 15.55. patronage of the successful candidate for Vice-President, Geo. M. Dallas. and he took office as Weigher in the Custom-house of the metropolis. He found time, while thus employed, to engineer the Astor Place riot on behalf
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 11: George Thompson, M. P.—1851. (search)
—Because its victims are black. 2. Why is gradual emancipation right?— Because the slaves are black. 3. Why is immediate emancipation wrong, dangerous, impracticable?—Because the slaves are black, etc. and many editorial articles on Peace, the Bible, the Constitution, etc., from the Liberator's twenty-one volumes, together with the best of Mr. Garrison's verse. The letter to Peleg Sprague was not omitted, Ante, 1.505. and the Appendix contained a portion of Sprague's Faneuil Ante, 1.496. Hall speech, the account of the Boston mob of October 21, Ante, 2.11. 1835, written by its victim, Thompson's letter addressed to him on the day following, and sundry proofs of the Ante, 1.297. character of the Colonization Society. The title-page bore these lines from Coleridge's Fears in Solitude : O my brethren! I have told Most bitter truth, but without bitterness. Nor deem my zeal or factious or mistimed; For never can true courage dwell with them Who, playing tricks with Conscience,<