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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 3: the covenant with death.—1843. (search)
tituents, as I said to the young men of Boston: Burnish your armor—prepare for conflict—and, in the language of Galgacus to the ancient Britons, think of your forefathers—think of your posterity! （Lib. 14: 182.) Compare the position taken by Josiah Quincy in the House of Representatives, speaking to the bill for the admission of Louisiana, Jan. 14, 1811: I am compelled to declare it as my deliberate opinion that, if this bill passes, the bonds of this Union are virtually dissolved; that the States which compose it are free from their moral obligations, and that, as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, to prepare definitely for a separation—amicably if they can, violently if they must ( Life of Josiah Quincy, p. 206). So Judge Jay, about to sail for Europe, wrote to Gerrit Smith: Rather than be in union with Texas, let the confederation be shivered. My voice, my efforts will be for dissolution, if Texas be annexed. Lib. 13.191; of. Lib. 15; 58, [62]. We
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 9: Father Mathew.—1849. (search)
49), were never before so well attended, and I think never was a deeper impression made. Wendell [Phillips] has, if possible, surpassed himself—he is so ready, so eloquent, so morally true, so sublimely great, that I know not what we should do without him. He is really one of the best and noblest specimens of humanity in this world. he attended the fall meeting of the Pennsylvania Lib. 19.170. Anti-Slavery Society. He wrote freely in the Liberator, and prompted articles for the Standard. Quincy wrote to him on July 16, 1849: I wish you would give me some more topics for editorials. I have used up all you have given me. This week I treat of the Southern aspects. I should like suggestions which might be worked up into short articles as well as long ones. Ms. This relation between the two friends lasted to the very end of the anti-slavery controversy. Mr. Garrison, further, gave practical effect to his ancient pledge to go for the Rights of Woman to their utmost extent, Ante, 2.
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
50, hirers included, was 38,385. Clay, again, in a letter to the National Republican Convention at Pittsburg of Feb. 22, 1856 (Lib. 26.41), put the Southern slaveholders at 300,000, but De Bow's larger estimate was generally current—350,000 (Josiah Quincy, June 5, 1856, Library of American literature, 4.308; Wm. H. Herndon, 1856, Lib. 26.70; Theodore Parker, 1856, Lib. 26.81; Harriet Martineau, 1857, Lib. 27: 173); 400,000 (W. L. G., 1857, Lib. 27: 72; Owen Lovejoy, April 5, 1860, Lib. 30: 62) Henry Ward Beecher in the Independent, Lib. 20.162, 166. Theodore Parker from the pulpit, invited the penalty of obedience to the higher law of humanity. Whittier proclaimed himself a Nullifier to that extent. The Lib. 20.173. venerable Josiah Quincy, shaming his successor in the Ante, p. 278. presidency of Harvard College, headed a call for a Lib. 20.166. meeting in Faneuil Hall on October 14, 1850, to consider the condition of fugitive slaves and other colored persons under the new la
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 11: George Thompson, M. P.—1851. (search)
21.62. after such moral and legal resistance and annoyance as Lib. 21.59, 70. made the rendition seem to the South a Pyrrhic Lib. 21.73. vic tory. The N. Y. Herald estimated that the capture, trial, and return of Sims cost the Federal Government nearly $6000, and his owner half as much (Lib. 22: 77). The sum of $90,000 inserted in the Deficiency Bill by the Senate of the 31st Congress (session 1851-52) for Judicial Expenses was ascribed to the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. Josiah Quincy, also a disappointed prophet, said to Richard H. Dana, Jr.: When the [Fugitive Slave] law passed, I did think the moral Lib. 21.83. sense of the community would not enforce it; I said that it Ante, p. 303. never would be. But now I find that my fellow-citizens are not only submissive to, but that they are earnestly active for, its enforcement. The Boston of 1851 is not the Boston of 1775. Boston has now become a mere shop—a place for buying and selling goods; and I suppose, als
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 18: the irrepressible Conflict.—1858. (search)
the rights reserved to every citizen in the Union under the Federal Constitution, justified a declaratory act by any free-State legislature, making the citizens of Missouri aliens as long as the obnoxious article was maintained. Moreover, he had the courage to say that Congress, by admitting Missouri with such an article, made a breach in the Federal Constitution that would warrant a still more revolutionary proceeding: Therefore, until that portion of the citizens of Massachusetts J. Quincy's Life of J. Q. Adams, p. 113; Lib. 28.170. whose rights were violated by the article in the Missouri Compromise, should be redintegrated in the full enjoyment and possession of those rights, no clause or article of the Constitution of the United States should, within the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, be so understood as to authorize any person whatsoever to claim the property or possession of a human being as a slave; and he would prohibit by law the delivery of any fugitive upon the cla