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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 5: Texas.—1845. (search)
stimonies of our Revolutionary great men which they wished to quote (Wendell Phillips, speech before the Mass. A. S. Society, Jan. 27, 1853; Lib. 23: 26). See Chas. Sumner's Life, 2: 331. Edmund Quincy, writing the next day to Richard Webb, said of it: It was called by political gentlemen, mostly Whigs, not by Ms. Jan. 30,is, there were many abolitionists in the body, and when men get together, however little they may desire to act themselves, they do relish strong talk. So Charles Sumner, writing to Judge Story: Feb. 5, 1845. The debates in the Convention were most interesting. I Life of Sumner, 2.331. never heard Garrison before. He sSumner, 2.331. never heard Garrison before. He spoke with natural eloquence. Hillard spoke exquisitely. His words descended in a golden G. S. Hillard. shower; but Garrison's fell in fiery rain. It seemed doubtful, at one time, if the abolitionists would not succeed in carrying the Convention. Their proposals were voted down; though a very respectable number of the Conventi
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 6: third mission to England.—1846. (search)
right in Lib. 16.194. assuring Webb that— There are many more A. S. Whigs and Democrats than Ms. Mar. 28, 1847. Third Party men, and many more Whig papers, especially, which are more thoroughly anti-slavery than any of the Third Cf. Lib. 17.170. Party ones. There is not a Third Party paper that compares in thoroughness and usefulness with the Boston Whig, or even the N. Y. Tribune. And they have not a man who comes near Charles F. Adams (son of J. Q. A.), editor of the Whig, Charles Sumner, J. G. Palfrey, S. G. Howe, Stephen C. Phillips, and others of the A. S. Whigs, in point of character, talent, or social standing. These gentlemen are high-minded, honorable, well-educated men, who would compare favorably with any public men you have in Parliament. And they have actually sacrificed political prospects and caste by their A. S. course, which is more than can be said of a single Third Party man—because I know of none who had anything of the sort to lose. Yet we cannot ad
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 7: first Western tour.—1847. (search)
y. He styled it, in his notes of invitation, a Council of Reformers, and the object was to discuss the general principles of Reform, and the best means of promoting it. Let me give you the names of some of those present—Ralph Waldo Emerson, Amos B. Alcott, William Henry Channing, James F. Clarke, William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Edmund Quincy, Mrs. M. W. Chapman, Mrs. Follen, James and Lucretia Mott and daughter of Philadelphia, Caleb Stetson, John L. Russell, Francis Jackson, Charles Sumner, Samuel G. Howe, E. H. Chapin, Joshua P. Blanchard, Samuel E. Coues of Portsmouth, Elizur Wright, Jr., Walter Channing. I have not yet given all the names. It was a matter of deep interest even to see this collection of the men alive of our neighborhood and day. From 4 to 10 P. M., with a short interval for tea, a most spirited conversation was held on all the great Reform subjects of the day. I am more than ever convinced that the Anti-Slavery Reform carries all others with it, and th
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 8: the Anti-Sabbath Convention.—1848. (search)
utions were introduced, and furnished Lib. 18.50, 51. matter for debate—the longest by Mr. Garrison, others by John W. Browne A lawyer, originally of Salem, Mass., at this time of Boston; a classmate and most intimate friend at Harvard of Charles Sumner (Lib. 30: 71, 90, 91; Pierce's Life of Sumner, 2: 294). and Theodore Parker; with supplementary ones by Charles K. Whipple. George W. Benson presided over the two days session in the Melodeon—an ill-lighted hall used on week-days for secular Sumner, 2: 294). and Theodore Parker; with supplementary ones by Charles K. Whipple. George W. Benson presided over the two days session in the Melodeon—an ill-lighted hall used on week-days for secular entertainments, and on Sundays by Mr. Parker's congregation as their meeting-house. The orthodox religious press, as represented by the Boston Recorder, voted Charles C. Burleigh the ablest speaker, yet added: The most influential speaker, whose dictates, whether opposed or not, swayed the whole course of things, was the redoubtable Garrison himself. At every turn in the business, his hand grasped the steering-oar; and, let his galley-slaves row with what intent they would, he guided all thing<
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
20:[158], [163], 166, 176. England, towards Canada. Here and there they were encouraged to remain firm, they armed themselves, they were Lib. 20.159, [163], 166. given arms; but even from Boston the exodus was Lib. 20.166; 21.39. marked. Senator Sumner estimated that, altogether, as many as 6,000 Christian men and women, Chas. Sumner; Lib. 34.70. meritorious persons—a larger band than that of the escaping Puritans —precipitately fled from homes which they had established, to British soil. Chas. Sumner; Lib. 34.70. meritorious persons—a larger band than that of the escaping Puritans —precipitately fled from homes which they had established, to British soil. In February, 1851, it was reported that One hundred members of the Baptist Colored Church in Buffalo have gone to Canada. A large number of the Methodist Church, in the same place, have also left for a land of freedom. Out of one hundred and fourteen members of the Baptist Colored Church in Rochester, one hundred and twelve, including the pastor, have crossed the line. The Colored Baptist Church in Detroit has lost eighty-four of its members from the same cause (Lib. 21: 27). On the o
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 12: Kossuth.—1852. (search)
d. These concessions meant in 1852 not merely the letter and spirit of the Constitutional pro-slavery provisions, but the existing statute, undiminished, for the rendition of fugitives. In the debate in the U. S. Senate, July 28, 1852, on Charles Sumner's motion with reference to a repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law, both Northern and Southern members asserted that this would be tantamount to a dissolution of the Union (Lib. 22: 126). In other words, the Compromise alone had averted disunion. ational organization, in the year 1848 in which it was formed. There was little disposition to revive it in 1852, and to go through the form of a separate ticket which had not the ghost of a chance of succeeding. Both Giddings and Lib. 22.113. Sumner felt that another four years must pass before anything could be achieved. When a Convention at Pittsburgh was talked of, John P. Hale let it be known Lib. 22.131. in advance that he would not accept the nomination if tendered him again. Nevert
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 13: the Bible Convention.—1853. (search)
expired and his place been filled by Charles G. Atherton, of gag memory. Mr.Ante, 2.247-249. Hale's political attitude towards slavery, under the compromises of the Constitution, certainly had not been acceptable to the abolitionists; but his solitary courage amid a contemptuous and murderous pro-slavery body like the Senate of the United States deserved, and had always received, recognition in the Liberator. Mr. Lib. 23:[83]. Garrison, therefore, took his place without scruple beside Charles Sumner, John G. Palfrey, Horace Mann, Henry Wilson, Anson Burlingame, Richard H. Dana, Jr., John Jay, and Joshua Leavitt. On Cassius Clay's offering the toast—The True Union: To Benton, to Bryant, to T. H. Benton. W. C. Bryant. W. H. Seward. H. Greeley. Seward, to Greeley, to Garrison, to Phillips, to Quincy— the union of all the opponents of the propaganda of slavery, there were loud calls for Garrison, who responded with peculiar felicity, paying just tributes to Hale and to Lib. 23.74. C
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 14: the Nebraska Bill.—1854. (search)
the Fugitive Slave Law was a weakener of resistance in 1854, since it afforded a satisfying scapegoat to outraged Northern feeling. Add an unlimited number of slave States to the Union, and we will not return your runaways (or at least such is our intention)! In 1845, it ran: Admit another slave State, and the Union is ipso facto dissolved! The best of the Free Soil leaders Lib. 24.13, 33. in Congress were still denying all thought of interfering with slavery in the States; Giddings and Sumner were Lib. 24.105, 121, 149. dodging the plain inquiry whether they admitted any Constitutional obligation with respect to fugitive slaves. Seward, discounting the present triumph of slavery in the case of Kansas and Nebraska, and anticipating yet greater,—slavery not only luxuriating in all new Territories, but stealthily creeping into the free States themselves, Greeley's Struggle for Slavery Extension, p. 81. and the country no longer a land of freedom and constitutional liberty,—could s
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 16: Fremont.—1856. (search)
6.125. —to the Presidency in November, over John C. Fremont, with three parties in the field and only one issue, was in fact the Bunker Hill of that Revolution. Between these events, of the first political importance, occurred the beating of Charles Sumner in his seat in the Senate Chamber May 22, 1856; Lib. 26.87. of the United States by the nephew of one of his colleagues, a Representative from South Carolina, Preston S. Brooks. The speech which drew down upon the Massachusetts Senator thise dragoon strokes which Brooks had learnt in the Mexican War; and Lib. 26.87. afterwards took the stump with the South Carolinian in behalf Lib. 26.107. of Buchanan. The Southern press spoke but one language. The Richmond Enquirer held, as to Sumner's treatment, Lib. 26.93. that it was the right discipline for him and the other vulgar abolitionists in the Senate, who were getting above themselves. They have grown saucy, and dare to be impudent to gentlemen. . . . They have been suffered t
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 17: the disunion Convention.—1857. (search)
hments to strengthen the Slave Power so long as CH. XVII. 1857 its policy was to postpone secession), believing that the Union could be wielded for the benefit of liberty. In the event of Republican success, we will then say to the slaveholders of those [slave] States, Unbind the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free; or, if you prefer to maintain that institution, perish with it! The one letter to the Convention which astonished and offended its recipients by its tone came from Sumner's colleague in the U. S. Senate, Henry Wilson. He had read the call with profound regret, believing that the Lib. 27.14. movement could have no other effect than to put a burden on the Republican Party, by arraying against it that intense, passionate, and vehement spirit of nationality which glows in the bosoms of the American people. He frankly avowed his want of sympathy with it, and refusal to be connected with it. The logic of the head and the logic of the heart, he declared, teach me
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