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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 14: the Nebraska Bill.—1854. (search)
of kidnappers. More practical was the incorporation, first in Massachusetts, of Emigrant Aid Lib. 24.62, 74, 115. associations to pour free-State settlers into Kansas and Nebraska, slavery having the shortest cut to the scene of competition. Yet, as the Rev. T. W. Higginson asked, in a sermon to Lib. 24.95. his Worcester flocin inquiry whether they admitted any Constitutional obligation with respect to fugitive slaves. Seward, discounting the present triumph of slavery in the case of Kansas and Nebraska, and anticipating yet greater,—slavery not only luxuriating in all new Territories, but stealthily creeping into the free States themselves, Greeley'out of the Democratic Party at the same elections in the North, caused Lib. 24.205. genuine alarm to the Slave Power, and confirmed it in its efforts to colonize Kansas. Fraud and violence—without actual bloodshed—were freely practised in the new Territory. Armed border ruffians from Missouri crossed Lib. 24.194, 197, 201, 202<
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 15: the Personal Liberty Law.—1855. (search)
, and passed the act again over his veto. It was the high-water mark of Northern manhood. In Kansas, on the other hand, the Slave Power was in the ascendant. Hordes of degraded beings, such as on6; 26.49. in other ways completed what Governor Reeder himself rightly called the subjugation of Kansas. Powerless to Lib. 25.71. rectify the doings of this bogus body, for what he did do Lib. 25.67, 28, took up a collection in response to an appeal from a Mr. John Brown, who had five sons in Kansas, and who Lib. 25.107. was desirous to join them. They had written for arms and means of defennations (!) guaranteed the right of transit for slave property like any other (Lib. 25: 167). In Kansas, the liberty of white men is struck down, and held at the point of the bayonet, and here in Masst when a brave man comes here to raise money to arm with Sharp's rifles his company of a hundred Kansas farmers, does he find a material aid at all commensurate with his expectations? Doubtless the
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 16: Fremont.—1856. (search)
derous assault, was entitled The Crime against Kansas; and the assault itself was merely a part of tNorthern hordes are endeavoring to extend into Kansas. How the love of Union on the part of the Ne, which Lib. 26.99. was sacked. Entrance to Kansas by the Missouri River Lib. 26.107, 110, 129, w a camel? If every border ruffian invading Kansas deserves to be shot, much more does every slavwer to this question would presently come from Kansas itself (from John Brown, namely) with the aid this mistake, slavery is fortifying itself in Kansas, and weakening and expelling liberty. . . . Th I conclude that the North will put slavery in Kansas to a violent death? Because I am certain that death-struggle between liberty and slavery in Kansas will be a death-struggle between these powers 12. Resolved, That the successive invasions of Kansas by the Missouri bandits—their seizure of the b2]. brief Senatorial career, had twice voted. Kansas was the sole vital issue put forward. The ton[17 more...]
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 17: the disunion Convention.—1857. (search)
od is in heaven, he continued, our destiny and our duty are to be found there. It is our only hope. With the thought of Kansas weighing heavily on his mind, he concluded his remarks by saying: To-morrow may call us to some work so stern that the joolition party, not an anti-slavery party, not even hostile to the extension of bondage, only opposed to spreading it into Kansas, but never intending to interfere with slavery in the States, and does not propose to discuss the relation between masteeated with less ridicule or less vituperation by the press seemed to Lib. 27.21, 25. improve as the year grew older. In Kansas, the bogus Legislature carried out a bogus census; its creature, the Lib. 27.30, 39, 63, 179, 206. bogus Constitutional rt. Whatever the intention of Judge Taney and the majority of the court, their deliverance was taken to mean both that Kansas and all other future embryo States were freely open to slaveholding immigration, and that the slaveholder would be protec
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 18: the irrepressible Conflict.—1858. (search)
nstitution. It would now shortly seek to impose on Kansas a constitution open to Mr. Adams's special objectio Lib. 28.5. Lecompton Constitution on the people of Kansas, it would have to maintain it by force of arms. Yo Congress, denouncing the free-State inhabitants of Kansas as rebels, and counselling a settlement of the exise Supreme Court had adjudged that slavery exists in Kansas by virtue of the Constitution of the United States, Lib. 28.28. and that Kansas is therefore at this moment as much a slave State as Georgia or South Carolina. , 28, 48. resistance promised by the Legislature of Kansas, Lib. 28.34. Douglas's adverse report in the Senatwner of any property whatever. The bill allowed Kansas to enter the Union at once with Lib. 28.155; N. Y.ajority The Slave Power had staked everything on Kansas and had lost. In both sections of the country therLib. 28.15. Convention if Congress refused to admit Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution. At the so-called
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 19: John Brown.—1859. (search)
sistent in its efforts to prevent the extension of slavery; it has spent a vast amount of money for the purpose of enlightening the public sentiment so as to save Kansas and Nebraska, and the vast territories of the West, from the encroachments of the Slave Power. Let the party have the credit of it. Why not? I know of nothing issachusetts Society's anniversary meeting on January Lib. 29.18. 27, 1859, he listened without suspicion to Mr. Higginson's mention of Brown's December raid from Kansas into Lib. 29.7, 18, 47, 55, 119; Sanborn's Life of Brown, p. 481. Missouri—carrying off eleven slaves, whom he conducted to Canada—as an indication of what may che Marlboroa Chapel on May 24, 1838 (ante, 2: 218, 219)? one Sunday evening in January, 1857, in Theodore Parker's parlors. He saw in the famous Jan. 4, 11, 18? Kansas chieftain a tall, spare, farmer-like man, with head disproportionately small, and that inflexible mouth which Ibid., p. 628. as yet no beard concealed. They di
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 20: Abraham Lincoln.—1860. (search)
very. The lamentable tragedy at Harper's Ferry is clearly traceable to the unjustifiable attempt to force slavery into Kansas by a repeal of the Missouri Compromise. So thought and wrote, to a New York meeting of Dec. 16, 1859; Lib. 29.205. Unioas shunned Lib. 30.11. by his virtuous Southern colleagues, he made his first manifesto in a speech on his bill to admit Kansas. Instead Feb. 29, 1860; Lib. 30.31, 37. of proclaiming afresh, with all the force of the latest evidence, the irreprese Republican Party from the stigma of universal cowardice. If slavery is right in Virginia, said Lovejoy, it is right in Kansas—words of whose full logic he stopped short, indeed, but which confirmed the South in its habit of identifying the Republiowardly were the Republicans that, Mr. Seward chancing to be in Chicago, and having recovered his tone in a late visit to Kansas, so as to be able to reaffirm the irrepressible conflict, the Lib. 30.161. party managers wanted their torchlight proces