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Salem (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 15
romised to be a close one, and Sumner's speech was thought by those most intimately concerned to have insured Mr. Thayer's defeat. One journal in Boston printed an edition of twelve thousand copies for distribution in the district. Sumner received grateful notes from Mr. Bailey, and also from Mr. Dawes, who was to be his successor in the Senate. R. H. Dana, Jr., thought the speech excellent, temperate in personam, and strong in rem. On the Saturday before the election he spoke briefly at Salem for the re-election of John B. Alley to Congress; Atlas and Bee, November 6. and on the evening before the election he took the chair at Faneuil Hall, where in a brief speech he recognized in a Republican victory a radical change in our history, making not only a new President, but a new government, Works, vol. v. pp. 338-347; Atlas and Bee, November 6. and commended for support the two candidates for Congress from Boston,—Burlingame and Alexander H. Rice, the former of whom, however
Alton (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 15
g their old opponents, the Democrats. Others of conservative temper thought it would irritate Southern men without converting them, and perhaps drive them to unite their distracted voters or to resist the government in case of Republican success. Some who doubted the policy of the speech admitted Sumner's right to make it, in view of what he had suffered from the barbarism of slavery,—making a similar apology for a speech in the House by Owen Lovejoy, brother of the abolitionist killed at Alton. John Bigelow of the Evening Post, who was more in sympathy with Sumner's views than his associates Bryant and Godwin, wrote, June 27, that while appreciating the doubt whether such a speech might not inflame the hostility of the enemies of freedom more than the enthusiasm of its friends, he did not think a different treatment of the subject could reasonably be expected from its author. But Sumner had his own view of the historic conflict. To him it was no holiday contest, but a solemn b
Kansas (Kansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 15
in the Dred Scott case, the sanctity of slavery in the national territory, beyond the power of the inhabitants as well as of Congress to exclude and prohibit it; Kansas, after alternating seasons of disturbance and peace, had been finally rescued by her Free State settlers, who, predominating largely in numbers and waiving their rials for his speech soon after the holidays, and gave it the title of The Barbarism of Slavery. Works, vol. v. pp. 1-174. The House bill for the admission of Kansas, with a constitution prohibiting slavery, which had been framed by a territorial convention and ratified by the people, was pending in the Senate, where its defeaut antislavery convictions were likely to act with the Republicans in the election at hand. Some journals professed to fear that it would hinder the admission of Kansas as a free State, New York Times, June 6; New York Tribune, June 5; New York Evening Post, June 5. This last journal qualified its criticism two days after, an
Cambria (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 15
nd most enthusiastic reception. Among pleasant incidents of the summer and autumn were visits for the day to Mr. and Mrs. Adams at Quincy, and a visit to John M. Forbes at Naushon. Sumner took part in the festivities in honor of the Prince of Wales, who was in Boston in October, being present at the collation at the State House, a musical jubilee at the Music Hall, and a reception at Harvard College, and also being selected by General Bruce as one of the party to accompany the prince to Portland on his day of sailing. Sumner contributed articles to the Boston Transcript, October 15 and 16, on the Duke of Kent's visit to Boston in 1794, and on the Prince of Wales and his suite. He was pleased to find his brother George, now in full sympathy with his own views, at last taking part in public work, speaking for the first time in a political campaign. One day he sought Mount Auburn, lately unfamiliar to him, and wrote to William Story, August 10:— Yesterday I was at Mount A
San Francisco (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 15
the New England Society, dressed by Mr. Evarts; and the other to speak in the Academy of Music, given by Greeley, C. A. Dana, H. C. Bowen, and Oliver Johnson. Warned by physicians and friends to enter slowly into the excitement of debate, Among bills and resolutions offered by him, not elsewhere noted, were these: for the substitution of simple declarations for custom-house oaths (Works, vol. IV. p. 441): for the promotion of the safety of passengers on steamers between New York and San Francisco (Works, vol. IV. p. 455); for limiting the liability of shipowners; for preventing violence and crime on board of the merchant marine; for abolishing the discrimination between citizens and foreigners in office-fees on the issue of patents; for preventing the abuse of seamen's protections; for raising to a higher grade the mission to Sardinia, the last being reported by him from his committee. he took little part in the proceedings of the Senate for three months, although tempted by the
Framingham (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 15
nvention the first nomination of John A. Andrew for governor, with whom he had been in confidential relations both as antislavery men and lawyers at No. 4 Court Street. He addressed two mass meetings in the open air,—one, September 18, at Myrick's station, in the southern part of the State, where he considered briefly the traditions of Massachusetts as devoted to education and freedom, closing with a warm tribute to Mr. Andrew; Works, vol. v. pp. 273-287. an another, October 11, at Framingham, Works, vol. v. pp. 29.3-308. where he treated the successive threats of disunion which had come from the slave States whenever their purposes were opposed,—maintaining that the people should stand firmly by the cause of freedom against such menaces, whether uttered at the South or repeated at the North. In October, from their home, illuminated for the occasion, he witnessed, with his mother beside him, a. long procession of Republican Wide-Awakes, These companies are described in
Missouri (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 15
ed by a territorial convention and ratified by the people, was pending in the Senate, where its defeat was assured by the determination of the Administration senators not to allow the increase of the Republican electoral vote which would result from its passage. The senators availed themselves of the debate on this bill to make political speeches which attracted attention only from the public interest in the speakers themselves. The day set apart for Sumner was Monday, June 4. Green of Missouri, to whom the floor had been previously assigned, gracefully yielded it to him. He entered the chamber a few moments before the time assigned for the Kansas bill. He had with him his speech in print, thinking it best to rely on his notes and avoid the strain of trusting only to the memory. The audience in the galleries was not large, as the interest in the debate on slavery had been transferred from Congress to the country. The account of the scene is compiled from letters to newspapers
Cuba (Cuba) (search for this): chapter 15
ic Administration losing the House of Representatives in the election of 1854, regaining it in that of 1856, and losing it again in that of 1858; Americanism and other issues of temporary and local interest were disappearing, and the Republican party was uniting into one force the liberty-loving voters of the free States, with the probability of success in 1860; the pro-slavery party, with the co-operation of Buchanan and Douglas, had been conspiring to strengthen itself by the acquisition of Cuba; the threats of disunion, once idle words, or words uttered in order to force into submission a timorous North, had come to express a definite and organized purpose; Von Hoist, vol. VI. pp. 177-179, 193-197, 324, 328. and the pro-slavery agitators, having renounced hope of another slave State in the West and of dominion in the Union, were now busy with preparations for secession and armed revolt. As to the military preparations at the South, see speeches of Miles in the House, Jan. 6,
Saint Petersburg (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 15
ew government, Works, vol. v. pp. 338-347; Atlas and Bee, November 6. and commended for support the two candidates for Congress from Boston,—Burlingame and Alexander H. Rice, the former of whom, however, failed of an election. Mr. Burlingame's defeat, which Sumner deeply regretted (Works, vol. v. pp. 348, 349), led to a new career,—his appointment by Mr. Lincoln as Minister to China, and his subsequent diplomatic service for the Chinese Empire, in which he died, Feb. 23, 1870, at St. Petersburg, at the age of forty-nine. On all these occasions he was received with every mark of popular affection and confidence. Sumner's activity in the canvass of 1860 was confined to Massachusetts, and he withstood solicitations to speak elsewhere. Letters declining to speak at meetings are found in Works, vol. v. pp. 190, 230, 231, 234, 269, 271. His thoughts were fully before the public in his speech in the Senate and his address at Cooper Institute; and, as already indicated, he had c
Woonsocket (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 15
ce before the election in Boston October 1, and after the election at Concord, where he was Emerson's guest, and also at Providence and Lowell; and on each of these three occasions he was waited upon after his return from the hall by companies of Wide-Awakes, to whom he replied with counsels for moderation in victory, and also for firm resistance to menaces of disunion. Works, vol. v. pp. 344-347, 350-356. The lecture was repeated the same autumn at other places,—as Foxborough and Woonsocket, R. I., and New Haven, Conn. Leaving home for Washington November 27, Sumner stopped in New York to repeat his lecture at Cooper Institute, where, with Mr. Bryant in the chair, it was received with the same favor as his address in the summer at the same place. The passage which held up Lafayette as steadfast against compromise was greeted with nine cheers. Weed's Life, vol. II. p. 308. Near the end of December, during the recess of Congress, he repeated it in Philadelphlia. After
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