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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 37 1 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2 21 1 Browse Search
Charles A. Nelson , A. M., Waltham, past, present and its industries, with an historical sketch of Watertown from its settlement in 1630 to the incorporation of Waltham, January 15, 1739. 17 1 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 1 14 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow 13 1 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Olde Cambridge 9 1 Browse Search
Colonel Theodore Lyman, With Grant and Meade from the Wilderness to Appomattox (ed. George R. Agassiz) 8 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 6 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 4 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 2 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Nathan Appleton or search for Nathan Appleton in all documents.

Your search returned 19 results in 7 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, chapter 1 (search)
in proportion to the narrowness of the sphere where it is displayed. Boston is worse than New York in this respect. The capitalists were greatly interested in a protective tariff, and its maintenance was the one end of their politics. Mr. Nathan Appleton and Mr. Abbott Lawrence were not only wise projectors of manufacturing schemes, but they were competent to defend in argument the protective system. Both had represented Boston in Congress. It was all important to their interests to keepost and hostess presided with dignity and grace; and the young women, distinguished by intelligence, style, winsomeness, and often beauty, could play well their part in any society in the world. Foremost among these last were the daughters of Mr. Appleton, whose names have found a place in books of travel and fiction. Foreigners felt the charm of this circle, which remained in the memory for half a century as fresh as yesterday's feast. A. Gallenga's Episodes of my Second Life. Lord Morpet
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
rofessors. Prescott's Peru is printed; he is joyous, and even talks of a mission to London. He challenges me to join him. I might if I were independent in condition; but I must drudge, drudge, drudge. I see nothing of Nathan der Weise. Nathan Appleton. Politics have parted us; much displeasure has been directed against me. I could have wished it otherwise, but cannot regret anything I have done. To Rev. James W. Thompson, Salem, April 1:— The science of comparative philology, of william Marshall, each commended to him their sons, who were to visit Boston. Occasional letters came from H. Bellenden Ker, of Lincoln's Inn, Charles R. Vaughan, living at All Souls, Oxford, and R. J. Mackintosh, He married a daughter of Nathan Appleton. son of Sir James, and now Governor of Antigua. Macready, grateful for Sumner's good offices, wrote with great friendliness and confidence, both from England and during his visits to the United States; and with praiseworthy intent, but with
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
and good — will of Levi Lincoln, Abbott Lawrence, and Nathan Appleton; and when the annexation had been consummated, a few wanufacturing and commercial interests. Mr. Lawrence and Mr. Appleton, who stood at the head of the manufacturing interest, rn as fruitless, and approved the position of Lawrence and Appleton. The Whig journals of Boston, notably the Advertiser, whiese efforts are discountenanced by Abbott Lawrence and Nathan Appleton. I doubt if the Whigs of Massachusetts will ever agaiinthrop's Vote on the War Bill. Sumner, in a reply to Nathan Appleton, August 11, treated at some length the latter's justifentirely from general society. It ended his visits at Nathan Appleton's. To Lieber, March 22, 1847, Mss. Ticknor's door wheir class, were, notwithstanding their connection with Mr. Appleton, as devotedly attached to Sumner as ever, and kept a cheeling identified with the commercial Whigs of Boston. Mr. Appleton said to Sumner, as he finished his speech and was stepp
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
nd traffickers of New England; between the lords of the lash and the lords of the loom,—led to a correspondence with Nathan Appleton, in which that gentleman, supposing himself to be one of the persons referred to, insisted upon Sumner giving his pred that Mr. Choate was for Taylor, and implied that John Davis and Governor Lincoln were of the same way of thinking. Mr. Appleton rejoined at length and with spirit, denying any secrecy or conspiracy,— admitting that for a year he had been in favorwere diligently preparing the way for Taylor's nomination. This was the secret influence to which Sumner referred. Mr. Appleton in his letter denounced Allen's and Wilson's conduct at the Philadelphia convention as the most disgraceful piece of pence with an old friend, Samuel Lawrence, occurred later in the canvass, which was even more unpleasant than that with Mr. Appleton. A year before, when lecturing at Lowell, he had been invited by Mr. Lawrence to be his guest. Their early friends
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. (search)
Vice-President, or for members of Congress or of any State legislature, any man of whatever party who is not known to be opposed to the disturbance of the settlement aforesaid, and to the renewal in any form of agitation upon the subject of slavery. Giddings's History of the Rebellion, pp 348, 349. Among the signers were Howell Cobb, H. S. Foote, A. H. Stephens, R. Toombs, and J. B. Thompson. The only Whig member from New England who signed this paper was Samuel A. Eliot, of Boston. Mr. Appleton, his successor, alone of the Massachusetts delegation, voted that the Compromise, including the Fugitive Slave law, was a final and permanent settlement. April 5, 1852. The speech of Daniel Webster in the Senate, March 7, 1850, in favor of the Compromise measures, was a surprise to the people of Massachusetts. It was in conflict with the principles they had uniformly maintained, as well as with his general course as the representative of the State. See Sumner's letter to John B
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
Senate or pass behind the Vice-President's chair to avoid an embarrassing record in an election at hand; but here was a man who for no personal or political advantage would qualify his opposition or yield a point. The peculiar and distinctive character of Sumner's position at this time has been recognized by students of political history,—G. F. Hoar, in his eulogy in the House, April 27, 1874; Von Holst, vol. IV. pp. 220, 221, biographical sketches in Johnson's Universal Cyclopaedia and Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography. by Wendell Phillips and George W. Curtis respectively. He spoke no idle words; every sentence was matured; and he marshalled law, logic, history, facts, literature, morals, and religion against American slavery in a contest which could end only in its extinction. Sumner lacked, indeed, Chase's judicial style; but for the work he had to do, he was all the stronger for what might be thought a defect. He did not hide his meaning under euphemistic phras
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. (search)
thing, party taking the same position as the Republican on the slavery question, prevailed at the election, and their candidate for governor, Henry J. Gardner, received a large plurality. The Boston Whigs (the remnant of the party long dominant in the State) again resisted the fusion, and gave a third of the fourteen thousand votes which were received by the Whig candidate, Samuel H. Walley, who was supported in speeches or letters by Choate, Winthrop, Hillard, Stevenson, F. C. Gray, and N. Appleton,—names already familiar to these pages. Their newspaper organ, the Advertiser, with unchanged proprietorship, appealed to old prejudices, and rallied Whig voters with the charge that the Republican party was a geographical and sectional party, with aims and tendencies hostile to the Union and the Constitution. So virulent was its partisanship that on the morning after the election it counted triumphantly, using capitals, the aggregate vote of Know Nothings, Democrats, and Whigs as the